them has been for the pay and support of the militia, and much of that for the private defence of particular States, and of that again a part has frequently been unnecessary. To go, at this late period, into a close investigation of the subject, is impracticable, and perhaps dangerous. Neither would it answer any valuable purpose. Some general rule, therefore, must be adopted, and propriety seems to require, that credit should be given only for those expenditures on militia, which were previously authorised and required by express resolutions of Congress. With respect to all other articles, there is also to be noted a distinction between those which were furnished by the several States previously to the 22d of November, 1777, when the first demand of money was made, and those made subsequently to that period. I would propose that the former, as also the militia expenses not expressly authorised as above mentioned, should be taken together into one account, and the specie value of the whole estimated. That the amount of both, throughout America, should be apportioned by the same standard with the other expenses. And that the several actual expenditures of each State should be settled and liquidated with its proportional part of the whole, and the several balances carried to their respective debits and credits in the general accounts. These balances should bear interest at six per cent to the 18th of March, 1780. Thus, suppose the whole of those expenses should amount

to one million of dollars, and that the State A be held to pay nine, and the State B ten parts out of every hundred ; the State A would be accountable for ninety thousand dollars, and the State B for one hundred thousand dollars. And if it should appear, that the former had paid one hundred thousand, and the latter only ninety thousand, the

militia. As no taxes were laid by the States, the sums they expended were procured partly from the continental treasury and partly by the emission of State currency, which tended to depreciate the contiA considernental paper, and impede its circulation. ation of the mischiefs arising from this circumstance will much diminish the merit, which is assumed from those advances. If the State paper had not been issued, the same services might have been performed by an equal sum of continental money, and the general torrent of depreciation would then have swept away those expenditures, which now exist as State charges. From hence it might in strictness be inferred, that the continent should not be charged for the amount of State paper advanced, and that amount be estimated at its value when redeemed by the State, especially as Congress have not only urged the States not to emit money, but even to call in what they had already emitted. But this inference would perhaps be rather too strang. No such idea has been formerly advanced by Congress, and therefore the States, not having had dué notice, might conceive 'the determination at this late period to be inequitable.

On the whole, therefore, it may be proper to estimate the sums paid by them according to the rule already noticed, especially as the method of redeeming the old continental money formerly adopted, will, if pursued, work some degree of equality. For it will create a demand for the old money in those States, which, by the amount of their own emissions, have expelled it from themselves and forced it upon their neighbors. There must, however, be a distinc

them has been for the pay and support of the militia, and much of that for the private defence of particular States, and of that again a part has frequently been unnecessary. To go, at this late period, into a close investigation of the subject, is impracticable, and perhaps dangerous. Neither would it answer any valuable purpose. Some general rule, therefore, must be adopted, and propriety seems to require, that credit should be given only for those expenditures on militia, which were previously authorised and required by express resolutions of Congress. With respect to all other articles, there is also to be noted a distinction. between those which were furnished by the several States previously to the 22d of November, 1777, when the first demand of money was made, and those made subsequently to that period. I would propose that the former, as also the militia expenses not expressly authorised as above mentioned, should be taken together into one account, and the specie value of the whole estimated. That the amount of both, throughout America, should be apportioned by the same standard with the other expenses. And that the several actual expenditures of each State should be settled and liquidated with its proportional part of the whole, and the several balances carried to their respective debits and credits in the general accounts. These balances should bear interest at six per cent to the 18th of March, 1780. Thus, suppose the whole of those expenses should amount to one million of dollars, and that the State A be held to pay nine, and the State B ten parts out of every hundred ; the State A would be accountable for ninety thousand dollars, and the State B for one hundred thousand dollars. And if it should appear, that the former had paid one hundred thousand, and the latter only ninety thousand, the

former would be credited, and the latter debited ten thousand dollars, with six per cent interest.

I would propose, that the advances made by the several States, subsequent to the 22d of November, and prior to the 18th of March, 1780, excepting those to militia not authorised, should be estimated as aforesaid, and carried to account regularly upon the advances of money made to each from the Continental treasury, and the apportionment of the several demands made by Congress, in like manner with the moneys paid to their order. And that interest, at six per cent, should be charged or credited upon the several balances, until the 18th of March, 1780.

I would further propose, that on that day these balances, and those before mentioned, should be liquidated together, and the final capitals be considered as principal sums, bearing interest at six per cent. Thus, supposing the State A, in one account, to be credited ten thousand dollars, amounting, with interest, to eleven thousand, and debited in the other account five thousand, amounting, with interest, to six ; in that case, the final balance, on the 18th of March, would be a credit of five thousand dollars.

On the 18th of March, we come to a new and more

enlightened era of public accounts. The appointment formerly mentioned as preliminary to a settlement, will determine the quota due by each State for the two hundred millions of old Continental money, valued at forty for one. These resolutions of the 18th of March, 1780, .ot having been fully complied with, there appears to be a propriety in the following plan.

1. To charge the several States with their proportions of it at that rate.

2dly. To fix some future day for the full compliance

3dly. To receive old paper at the rate of forty for one, in discharge of those proportions, until that day; and,

4thly. To charge the balances then unpaid in specie, with a debit and credit of interest at six per cent in the inanner before mentioned.

I am sensible, that many persons now condemn the resolutions of the 18th of March, and among these are found some of those who warmly advocated it previously to that period. It is not my business to enter into arguments on the subject. Be those resolutions wise or unwise, they are acts of the sovereign authority, which have been obeyed by some, if not by all, and therefore those who have sobeyed ought not to suffer by their obedience. They are acts for the redemption of bills issued by that sovereign, and they have formed the standard of public opinion with respect to those bills. If, therefore, for argument's sake, it were admitted, that the measure was impolitie and unjust, yet, now that it has taken place, there would certainly be both injustice and bad policy in altering it. The respective States have either obeyed it in the whole, or in part, or have totally neglected it. The first have a right to insist upon a compliance with it. The second must have so far accommodated themselves to it, as that interior mischiefs would arise from changing the system. And the last, whatever may be their claim to superior wisdom, will at least acknowledge, that the precedent of disobedience once established, our Union must soon be at an end, and the authority of Congress reduced to a metaphysical idea. Besides, the claim of such States must ultimately rest on the foundation of their own neglect; and as this will always be in their own power, it will be sufficient to rear any