gone on from step to step, till, at last, we] It is well known to your Lordship, that really seem to conceit ourselves a greater the rejoicing of the people at the late military than we are a naval power. Too peace arose chiefly from the hope of their many amongst us seem to look with sor-being relieved from the long-endured burTOW on any thing which shall deprive dens of the war. It is well known to us of all excuse for keeping up a great you, that, even in peace, our resources, army. Never was there seen so much without the war taxes are insufficient. It reluctance to lay aside the gorget and the is well known to you, that loans are in sash. We have fallen into a set of no contemplation to supply, in part, in peace, tions quite foreign from all our former the absence of the Property Tax. What, notions. We are military-mad; and, in then, is to be the fate of the fund-holder, the midst of the rage, we seem almost if a new war is now to be our lot? to forget the fleet, the defence which reason and nature so clearly point out to us. Continental connexions, against which our forefathers were so anxious to guard, are now really sought after with eager ness; and, indeed, full of the notion that it was we, who reduced France, we seem to think it necessary, that we should be come almost an integral part of the continent. To defend the kingdom of Hanover, we must first defend the King of the Netherlands. To defend the king dom of the Netherlands we must constantly keep a large army on foot in the Netherlands, and more troops ready to go to the assistance of that army. That country must always be filled with troops in our pay, in peace, or in war. And, is this nation in a state to support such an expense?

However, I perceive, and I perceive it with indignation, that there are persons, who are willing to sacrifice even the fundholders, to send them forth to beg, to spread general ruin and misery over the country, rather than not enter into a new war. I have seen the following alarming words, printed in a very conspicuous manner in the COURIER Newspaper of Tuesday last. They are words which every man in England ought to see; and which ought to draw forth the unanimous voice of the people, in a constitutional manner, against entering upon any war, not absolutely necessary to the safety of the country and His Majesty's crown.

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"In contemplating so great an evil, as war under any circumstances must be, though it may be a blessing by comparison, our means of maintaining the Shall I be told, that no peace can be " contest should be considered. And safe which leaves Belgium in the hands "first, the war, independent of its jusof France? You, my Lord, will hardly" tice and necessity, will have the public tell me so, who defended the peace of" voice on its side, even more than in Amiens, which left Belgium in the hands "France it can have. Our naval and of France; nor will the Earl of Liverpool, military men with their connexions, who made that treaty, and who contend- forming nearly as large though not so ed, in its defence, that the extension of "absolute a part of the governing class territory which France had gained had of society, will meet war with noi rendered her more formidable to us. "smiles. Our landed gentry and farCome back, then, to your former doc- "mers will secretly welcome it,as it brought trines disclaim all connexion with a con- "them so much profit before. Our shiptinent where we never can have power ping and commercial interests it will, as without the ruin of this island; and then hitherto, favour, while our navy secures we shall have peace; the fund-holders us the sovereignty of the seas. Our will be paid; our fleet will still be our “artizans and labourers had their wages bulwark we shall prosper and shall be "raised daring the late contest. Even as great as France.

:

But, if war is again to be our lot; if we are to send out armies to fight amidst the fortresses of Belgium; if millions are to be expended in the Kingdoms of the Netherlands and of Hanover; if a war without prospect of termination; and almost without a clearly defined object is to be our lot, whence are the means to come? What new sufferings are in store for us?

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our manufactures will prosper, with "the Continent of Europe and America open.-ANNUITANTS will, indeed, suffer by the progress of taxation: but "that is the consequence of their taking "themselves out of the circle of activity, "of productive wealth, and of national "prosperity. In the revolutions of pro

perty the DRONES OF THE STATE "WILL NATURALLY FALL TO

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THE BOTTOM. The nation has "prospered under a war, and may do so "again, notwithstanding the predictions "of croakers a thousand times falsified. Internally Britain has enjoyed perfect trauquillity, improvements and riches encreasing in every part. If war then "be forced upon us, let us weigh the advantages as well as the disadvantages "with which we shall enter upon the " contest. The only ground of uneasiness will be in our FINANCES; but these with a prudent and skilful management may he made, with their usual ELASTICITY, to adapt them"selves to the occasions, as they arise."

*

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Such, my lord, is the language of the great partizans of war. You see, they are already paving the way for a seizure of the funded property by stigmatizing the owners DRONES OF THE STATE, whose fall to the bottom they seem to contemplate without the smallest degree of pain or inquietude. In short, rather than not gratify their vindictive feelings against the ruler and the people of France, they seem perfectly ready to involve England in all the miseries of Revolution; for, I am sure your lordship wants nothing from me to convince you, that the measures here plainly hinted at would plunge the country into general confusion and blood-shed.

rise to a thousand thoughts in the mind of your Lordship? Do you not see the rising navy in the mouths of the Susqueanah and theiludson?--In short,what Englishman can look that way without alarm? It is well known, that our commerce and shipping, during the last war, were supported by the restrictions, which our navy enabled us to impose on the commerce and navigation of neutrals, and especially on those of America. Itis well known, that, had we not claimed the sea as our own, and exercised our power there accordingly, our commerce and navigation must have dwindled into a very small compass, and that those of America would have been swelled to an enormous size, while France, open to the shipping and commerce of America, would have experienced little injury from the power of our navy.

Well, then, is it to be believed, when we look at the progress and conclusion of the American war, that we shall again attempt those restrictions on her commerce and navigation? This is not to be believed; and, if we were to attempt them, is it to be believed, that we should not instantly find America a party in the war against us? The late event in France, will excite, in America, joy unbounded, and especially amongst those against whom the malicious shafts of the editors of our newspapers were levelled. When they hear these men describe Na

will recollect, that the very same mea described the President, their constitutional Chief Magistrate, as a traitor and

Whether the " public voice "will be for wer we shall, probably, soon see, but, who would have expected to hearpoleon as a "traiter and a rebel," they those, who are accusing Napoleon of a design to go to war to gratify his army, urging you to go to war, because war will please our naval and military men! and because (as it is falsely asserted) war will gratify the cupidity of landholders, farmers, ship owners, merchants, and manufacturers! Was there ever be fore urged such reasons in justification of war?

a rebel," and that they called upon his fellow citizens, who had freely chosen him, to depose him and kill him. The Americans, my Lord, are not to be made believe, that Napoleon has forced himself upon the French nation; they are not to be made believe, that he has none but the army on his side; they are not to be made believe, that he is merely the head of " a band of Janisaries ;" they are not to be made believe, that, with a mere handful of soldiers, he could have marched from Cannes to Paris, unless he had been the man of the prople; they are not to be made believe, that the Bourbons would have fled from a throne and from the sovereignty over 30 millions of people, unless they had been convinced, that that people were on the side of Napoleon; they are not to be made

believe all, or any, of these things; but, they will see, in this event, a proof of the fact, of which fact some of them before doubted, that Napoleon reigns in virtue of the love and the choice of the French nation.

The American Government will, for a while, at least, be disposed to remain at peace with us; but we may be well assured, that it will never again submit to any restrictions on its commerce and navigation, not warranted by the wellknown and universally acknowledged law of nations; and, it would not be at all surprising, if it should lean very strongly towards France, if we were to make war upon the latter for the purpose of dictating a Government to her in direct opposition to her will, now so clearly declared.

Here, therefore, is a difficulty, which we had not to contend with in the last war, These prizes, which this writer holds out as a bait to our naval officers and their connexions, would not be so numerous. Indeed they would be very few in number. The commerce of France would, to a great extent, be carried on in American ships. America would be the carrier for both nations. The increase of her navigation would signify nothing at all to France; indeed, France would rejoice at it, because it would be tremendously dangerous to us.

him; that they called upon the people to kill him. They will remember, that even the Prime Minister, in his place, stated, that, from the kind treatment of our prisoners of war in America, it appeared that a part, at least, of the people of that country wished to put themselves under his Majesty's protection. They will be well convinced, that from utter ruin and subjugation they have been preserved by the wisdom of their Government, the patriotism of themselves, and the skill and bravery of their navy and army; and not by any forbearance on our part. In short, when we look back to what has passed during the last year, oan we, if we go to war with Napoleon, suppose it wonderful if the Americans prepare themselves immediately for taking any advantage of any circumstances, which that war might offer, to deal us such a blow as would, for ever after, put it out of our power to bring their independence into danger?

The return of Napoleon will necessarily produce great satisfaction in America; because, the Bourbons were essentially her enemies. Talleyrand had lent his aid to the annihilation of the last of Republics in Europe. All Europe seemed to be bound down for ever, or at least, for ages, within the lines and limits of the monarchs at Vienna. They and their ministers, without reference to the Let no flatterer persuade your Lord- wishes of any body of people, inhabiting ship, that the Americans are to be either any of the transferred countries, had diswheedled or corrupted. They love peace; posed of the whole at their will. All but they are a wise people, and they the ligatures were prepared and put in will well know, that they must provide their places, the tying of the last knot for war. The last year has taught them, being all that was wanted. Your Lordthat they must depend solely on their ship says, that this was done with the arms. They will remember the flames at sole view of insuring long tranquillity and Frenchtown, Stonington and Washing-happiness to Europe. I dare say it was; ton. They will remember their sufferings from the hands of our Indian allies. They will remember our considering their naturalized citizens as traitors. But, above all things, they will remember this: that, the moment Napoleon was down, and we had no enemy to contend with in Europe, our newspapers inculcated the necessity of subduing America; of punishing her; of destroying her form of Government; of dividing her States; of getting rid of this example of the success of Democratic rebellion. They will remember, too, that our presses called their President a traitor and a rebel; that they vowed never to have peace with

but different meu view the same transactions in a different light. America would see this grand work with great pain; and, of course she would rejoice at that event which, in a moment, has snapped all the ligatures and blown them to the winds. Our great naval power, and especially the disposition which we have evinced to use that power, when occasion offered, against the commerce, the shipping, and even the soil of America, will naturally induce her to wish to see us enfeebled. It will be impossible for an American to look back to the flames of Washington and the plunder of Alexan dria, without wishing carnestly to see our

"and a rebel;" they call him, just as they called Mr. MADISON, impostor, liar, villain, slave, felon, coward, and insist that he ought to be considered as out

power reduced. And, in this temper of mind, is it not to be feared, is it not to be expected, that, if we are at war with Napoleon only a few years, some occasion will be seized on by America to asof the pale of all legal protection. sist in reducing us to a state which will They call upon all the world to come relieve her from all future apprehensions and scourge the French nation whom of hostility from us? Napoleon, who has they call thieves, slaves, blood-hounds, now seen of what stuff America is made, murderers, kill-kings, and every thing of what importance she is, and of what else that is abominable. It is imposgreater importance she will be, and sible that this language of our press must be, in the world, will take special should not produce a great and lastcare to cherish her friendship, to gratifying mischief. Indeed, there is good her merchants and traders, to treat her Government with respect. America and France have no objects of rivalship. Neither is afraid of the other. The products of one are wanted by the other. The growth of the power of each tends to the good of both. Both, from unhappy circumstances and events, are the bitter enemies of Eugland; and, if we go to war with France, at this time, and without such grounds as shall justify war in the eyes of all the world, have we not reason to fear, that we shall have America also for an enemy.

reason to believe, that these writers have, in no small degree, contributed towards the facilitating of Napoleon's return. They have been continually holding up our army as the conquerors of France; they have incessantly laboured to vilify all those who shone in the French army; they have been marking men out for vengeance as Jacobins, Regicides, &c. they have been recommending and applauding every measure, tending to re-exalt the emigrants and to shake the property of the new proprie

tors.

It was they who first urged the My Lord, in conclusion, let me beg of restoration to the noblesse of the nationał you to observe what mighty mischief has domains which remained unsold, a meabeen done by the vile men, who conduct sure which could not be regarded as the principal of our London newspapers. any thing less than a preliminary step In America, where our language is the to the ousting of the whole of the new language of the country, all our threats proprietors; a measure against which I have been repeated through a thousand repeatedly cautioned the King; a meachannels. There is not a single man, or sure, which, perhaps, more than any boy of ten years of age, in all that vast other, has contributed to his overthrow. country, who has not read the outrageous Then, my Lord, the falsehoods of these abuse and the insolent and bloody de- men. Their wilful falsehoods. Their nunciations of the Times newspaper impudent fabrications. Their disgrace to against the President, the Congress, the the press, to literature, to the country, People of America. Not a soul of them is now manifest to all men. It is to the has failed to see their country marked out readers, the silly or malicious pupils, of for plunder and subjugation; themselves these wicked men that theFrench peofor chastisement, or, in the words of wise ple have offered ridicule, scorn and inCurtis, for a confounded good flog-sult in this hour of the people's triumph. ging;" their President as a man to be deposed," being "a truiter and a rebel." Thus have been implanted in the minds of a people not given to passion, the feelings of hatred and revenge; feelings which cannot be eradicated for many years; feelings which must exist during the present generation; feelings which have already produced, and which must continue to produce, incalculable mischief to our country. At the present moment, these same vile men, are proceeding in precisely the same course. They denominate Napolcon "a iraitor

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One of these pupils, in the COURIER of Tuesday last writes from Brighton thus: "The only persons in France "who appear in trouble about this

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event are the poor English. The roads

are covered with them--their despe"rate haste-their melancholy faces" and their bad French-all serve to "excite the risibility of the people of "France as they post through their

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country. I can assure you that they are not sparing of their insolence and "ridicule, nor do they forget to charge you for what you take. I stopped at

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small inn for a few minutes, about “25 miles from Dieppe; at the door there ፡፡ were crowds of persons amusing themselves with remarks upon the English passengers. The news just "then arrived of Bonaparte's approach to Paris, and probable entry in a few "hours-all was vehemence and confu"sion, and unbounded joy expressed. "Notre Emperour," "Napoleon," "Napoleon le Grand,” appeared to electrify and fill their hearts with joy." --Here, then, my Lord, in spite of all their fabrications, peeps out the fact, that THE PEOPLE of France as well as the army are filled with joy at Napoleon's return. And why should the poor English be in trouble and have melancholy faces" at this event? Strange indeed, that they should sorrow for them selves! It is their annoyance; it is their insolence, which has thus been repaid with ridicule and scorn. They had the audacity, to look upon France as a sort of colony of England; and in their sorrow, their melancholy faces, at Napoleon's return, the people of France saw no feeble proof, that that return was for the good and for the honour of France.

"

Feeble as my pen is, when compared with your herculean labours, and the powerful energies of your mind, I feel it to be my duty to raise my voice, at this awful moment, against the prosecution of measures which have already proved so fatal to our national prosperity, that, in place of Great Britain now occupying the proud eminence, from which she commanded the homage of nations, she appears, alas! to be fast verging to a state of irretrievable ruin, and to have become an object of contempt amongst those who formerly envied her greatness. What a terrible, what a useful lesson has the American war tanght our rulers, if they are at all capable of being taught by misfortunes!-Only a few short months before, they formed the resolution of overthrowing democracy, of extinguishing republicanism of the other side the Atlantic, we had acquired the renown of having defeated, in numerous battles, the soldiers of a nation that had, for twenty years, overawed the Continent of Europe, and that had dictated terms, in their very capitals, to all its sovereigns, who considered themselves happy in being permitted to hold their crowns by the suffrance of the victors. Not only so, but to our power

Thus, my Lord, have I given you my reasons for objecting to a war with France, either for the purpose of restor-ful exertions, it was owing that the greating the Bourbons, or for that of securing est captain of the age, the man who Belgium to the new King of the Nether- could boast that victory had never delands. I do not, I must confess, enter- serted his standard, was so completely tain very sanguine hopes, that this my subdued as to seek for safety in retireadvice will be attended with better suc- ment, leaving the field of battle, the cess than that which I offered as to the scene of all his glory, and that of the commencement and prolongation of the people who had so long exulted in his unfortunate and disgraceful war against and their triumphs, in our full and unthe American States; and, if, in spite of disputed possession! What an elevated, what I deem the plain dictates of sense rank to hold in the scale of nations! and reason and love of country, this What an enviable situation! Had the helm new war is to be waged, I have only to of the State been guided by pruadd my sincere wishes, that my predic-dence; had moderation influenced tions may not, in this case, as in the for- our national councils, we never could mer, be so completely fulfilled. have been driven from this lofty pinnacle. Ages might have passed away, but Great Britain would have remained the admiration and the envy of the world. Pride, hatred and ambition has subverted the stately fabric. Nothing would satisfy us but the overthrow of American independence. In place of attributing our successes here to a fortunate concurrence of circumstances, we fancied ourselves invincible. We entered the contest vaunting of our omnipotence. We despised the enemy

I am, &c. WM. COBBETT. Botley, 30th March, 1815..

WAR WITH FRANCE.

Mr. COBBETT. The praiseworthy, the patriotic and honourable exertions which you are now making, to avert the calamities consequent on a renewal of the with France, call for the sup

to every real friend to his country.