- We that of his wife and children, it is then a war of man against man; women and boys are in a state of war: all are in arms; all the evil we can do our enemy is a sacred duty; all means of destruction are lawful for us to use. We shall revive those dreadful examples of exasperation among people who terrified the earth! Posterity will shudder with horror; but far from blaming us, it will only impute these acts to the perversity of the age, to tyrants, and to necessity! But this will never happen--it is impossible.-Hayti is invincible; and justice, as well as the cause of justice, will bear her triumphant through all obstacles. No, never shall this execrable enter among the Sovereigns and people of Europe; SPEECH OF KING HENRY (CHRISTOPHE) COUNCIL OF THE HAYTIAN NATION, RELATIVE Haytians! your sentiments, your generous resolution, are worthy of us: your King shall al with that people? Have we not broken all the bonds that could unite us with them? We have changed the name, the life, the manners. bear no resemblance to the French- - these people, who never ceased to persecute us, and whom we abhor. Why, then, should we submit to the fate of being condemned to groan under their tyranny and oppression ?— Barbarians! They dare to despise us! They think us unworthy of the blessing of liberty and independence! They think that we are not capable of sublime sentiments, or of those generous impulses which form heroes, and make men masters of their own destinies! but they are deceived. Let them know something of the mag-prise take place. There is honour, there is glory nanimity, the energy, and the courage of the people whom they dare to ontrage! Our will is to be free; and we shall be so in spite of tyrants 1Oh! if our cause should be separated from that of other people; if injustice should prevail over equity in this enlightened age; if our tyrants should at length be able to triumph over us, let the glory of the Haytian people at least stand unequalled in the annals of nations;-Yes, we solemnly pledge ourselves that, sooner than re. nounce liberty and independence, our entire race hall be exterminated. But before any French-ways be worthy of you. Our indignation is at man gains a footing here, let Hayti become a vast desert; let our towns, our manufactures, our dwellings, become a prey to the flames. Let each of us multiply his force-redouble his ener gy and his courage, in imolating to our just fury thousands of those tygers who are alienated from our blood! Let Hayti present, nothing but a heap of ruins; let terrified countenances meet nothing but sights of death, destruction, and vengeance! Let posterity have to say, on beholding these ruins, Here lived a free and generous people; tyrants wanted to strip them of their liberty, but they resolved to perish sooner than part with it ! Posterity will applaud this act of magnanimity. Oh! will there be a human being so destitute of generosity as to refuse us his admiration, his esteem, and his good wishes?-In the political wars carried on among civilized States, the armies fight, and the people live in peace. But in a war of extermination, such as that with which we have been threatened, when every man thinks of defending his home, the tombs of his parents, his liberty, his independence, what, do I say? his very existence, and its height. Let Hayti, from this moment, be only one vast camp; let us prepare to combat those tyrants who threaten us with chains, sla+ very, and death. Haytians! the whole world has its eyes fixed upon us; our conduct must confound our calumniators, and justify the opinion. which philanthropists have formed of us, Let us rally-let us have but one and the same wish that of exterminating our tyrants. On the unanimous co-operation of our union, of our efforts, will depend the prompt success of our cause. Let us exhibit to posterity a great example of courage; let us combat with glory, and be effaced from the rank of nations, rather than re nounce liberty and independence. A King, we know how to live and die like a King: you shall always see us at your head, sharing in your perils and dangers. Shold it so happen that we cease to exist before consolidating your rights, call to mind our actions; and should our tyrants so far succeed as to endanger your liberty and independence, disinter my bones; they will still lead you to victory, and enable you to triumph over our implacable and eternal enemies. Printed and Published by J. MORTON, 94, Strand. COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER, VOL. XXVII. No. 3.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 21, 1815. 65] AMERICA. [Price 1s, [66 be really free; there no man will tremble while he writes; and there truth must and will prevail. It is often ob served, that history, to be impartial, must be written long after the date of the events of which it is a record, This is a strange notion. It is so contrary to every rule of common life, that it naturally staggers one. If we want to keep our accounts, or the records of any proceedings in life, accu PEACE being now happily concluded with the country of freedom, it will not be necessary for me to occupy so large a portion of the Register, as I lately have, with observations relating to it. But, still this country, now nearly as much above all others in military and Raval prowess as she is, and long has been, in civil, religious, and political kiberty; still this favoured country,rately, we never lose a moment in this asylum and example to the op- minuting the facts down as they ocpressed of all other nations, must con- cur. If evidence is given from a writ tinue to be a deeply interesting object ten paper, it must, to make the evi with every one, whom I wish to see dence good, have been written at the amongst my readers. I shall, there moment that the facts occurred. How fore, in future, write of the affairs of strange, then is it, that, for history to America under one general title, num-be true, it must be written a century, bering the several articles from No. I, or two, after the period, to which it onwards. Previous to the war, I wrote 1 several articles, under the form of elates; That is to say; that, to come | 气 at the real truth any national oc Letters and otherwise; during the war currence, in order to arrive at a just a great many more. And, I am of decision upon the conduct of a nation, opinion, if all these were collected to- you must enter upon the inquiry after gether, from the month of July, 1810, all the witnesses are dead, and after to the 14th of this present month of all the springs, hidden from common January, 1815, they would be found eyes, and which no man has dared to to contain as good a history of this im- record an account of in print, are wholly portant struggle, as is likely to appear forgotten and are sunk, for ever, out of in any other shape. The rise, the pro- sight. It is said, that, at the time gress, the termination, are all here to be when the events occur, the historian found very amply detailed. The views is too near to the passions and preju, on both sides; the passions, the pre-dices of the times, and is too likely to judices; the means made use of to partake of them. But, at a hundred delude the people of England. The years after the events, what has he to ffect of the result of the contest on refer to but writings of the times; and, men's minds. All will here be found how, then, is he more likely to get at 20 have been faithfully recorded; that the truth? We suppose the historian is to say, as far as I have dared to go; to seek earnestly for truth; and is he and for the restraint, which I have more likely to get at it, when all the been under, and for which no human springs are forgotten and all the wite ingenuity could have compensated, the nesses dead, than when he has access judicious and impartial reader will to them all The real state of the make a suitable allowance, This, case is this: the historian DARES however, is only said as to our side of NOT write a true history of present the water; for, in the country of free events, and a true description of the dom, the naked truth will be told. character of public institutions, estabe There every man will write and publish lishments, laws, and men, in any counwhat he pleases; there discussions will try except America. Truth, in Eng land, may be a LIBEL; libels are and animated pen, set to work on this punished more severely than the great-fine subject, a subject so closely conest part of felonies, as my Lord FOLK- nected with the cause of Freedom all STONE shewed, in the House of over the world, there is no doubt of its Commons, from an examination of the obtaining circulation, even in England; Newgate Calendar; and, it is well and while it would be sure, by means known, that in answering a charge of of a French translation, to be read all libel, the TRUTH of what you have over the Continent, where it must prowritten, or published, is not allowed duce a prodigious effect. But I hope EVEN TO BE GIVEN IN EVIDENCE. to see nothing of the maudling kind; This is the real, and the only ground nothing of the milk and water; nothing for pretending, that history ought to be of the "gentlemanly" sort; no mincing written long after the period to which of the matter. But, a real, true, hisit relates. But, how are you bettered by tory, applying to persons and acts the length of time? It is a libel here to speak appellations which justice assigns them? evil of the dead. The dead villain must If such a work were published, rather not, if it give offence to certain persons, than not possess a copy, I would make be truly characterized; and, remember, one of my sons traverse the Atlantic, that the sources, to which the historian expressly to fetch it to me. I hope, has to refer, are precisely those which however, that some man, in America, have been created under this law of libel. who feels upon the subject as I feel, In the great Republic of America, the will take the trouble to convey to me case is wholly different. There, any man by a safe hand (not through the Post may publish any thing that he pleases of Office) a copy or two of the first work public measures, or public men, provided of the above description that shall apthat he confine himself to truth in what pear. But mind, I should despise any he asserts to be facts. There any opinions history which should not speak of may be published; but, here, even opi- ALL the actors, on both sides, without nions expose writers, printers, and pub the smallest regard to the humbug and lishers to punishment; and, observe, palaver of the day, applying to their that that which a man may say in a actions and their characters, and their private letter, is held to be pub- motives, the plainest as well as the lished, and if determined to be libel- truest of epithets and terms. I want Jous, liable to punishment.--Well may to have it all out. I am not much diswe hold it to be a maxim, that the posed to be unhappy. I never meet writing of history ought to be delayed calamity half way. But really, such a until a remote period; but it would be work; the reading of such a work, and a much more sensible maxin, that no hearing my children read it, would history, written under such circum- make up for years of misery, if I had stances, (with a law that punishes libels passed such; and it would be much on the dead) ought ever to be regarded more than a compensation for all the as any thing better than a sort of poli- sufferings of my life. In short, I have tical romance. There is no reason, set my heart on this thing, and, if I am however, why a history of this war disappointed, I shall be grieved more should not immediately be written, and than I ever yet have been; ten thou published in the Republic, with whom, sand fines more than I was, when I thank the Ministers, and the President, heard the sentence of JUDGE GROSE and the brave Republicans, we are now on me of two year's imprisonment in at peace. From that country we may Newgate, a thousand pounds fine to now receive such a history. It might the King, and seven years bound to be a little too strong to be published good behaviour afterwards, in bonds of here; or even to be sold here. But 5,000 pounds, for having written about those who wished for eopies might get the flogging of English local militiathem through private channels; though, men at Ely, and about German draI ought to observe, for the good of the goons. But, why should I be disapunwary, that to lend a book, or, to shew pointed? Have I not, if no one else - book, to another person, is to publish will take up the pen, a son to take it up abook in the eye of our sharp-sighted in the cause of truth and liberty? The libel law. Nevertheless, if some able world is wide; and now it is open. " In the mean while let us not neglect "stored to this country." Sir J. C. that which is yet within our own power. "HIPPISLEY could see no reason whatWe ought to keep the Republic con- ever for calling the Americans the only stantly before our eyes. Though we free people in the world, and should make her less the subject of observa-" certainly divide the meeting if the tion than we have done for some time "motion were persisted in. It was a past, we ought never to lose sight of" LIBEL on our own country; for his her. The enemies of liberty are al- part, he HATED THE AMERICANS. ways on the watch to assail, through They were a set of slaves to the Goher sides, the object of their mortal vernment of France, and-(some exhatred; and, therefore, we ought to "pressions of disapprobation arose) when lose no occasion of facing and of fight "Mr. DICKINSON said, that he certainly ing them. In order to facilitate refer- must join in deprecating the resolu ence, and to give something of unifor"tion. He hoped the meeting would mity of arrangement to the matter in not consent to compliment any nation the Register, relating to America, I in-" at the expense of our own, and of tend to insert, under one general head,"every other in the globe. He had all such matter of my own writing, and "considerable reason for believing, that to mention under that general head the "the Congress at Vienna was now emseveral topics treated of, in the following manner. No. I. ployed in endeavouring to unrivet the "chains of the suffering Africans; and "engaged, as the Powers of Europe AMERICA. Mr. HUNT's motion and " were, in so sacred a cause, he could Sir John Cox HIPPISLEY'S speech re- "not consent that any aspersion, direct specting her.--The Courier's attack on or indirect, should be cast upon them. Mr. BINNS, a publisher at Philadelphia." Mr. HUNT then requested the Sheriff At a Meeting of the county of Somer-" to put the resolution, which, upon the set, on the 9th instant, a curious occur- "shew of hands, was negatived by a rence took place with regard to the peace" very considerable majority." Whether with America. I will first give the ac- there be any free country in the world, count of it from the TIMES newspaper still remaining, besides the Republic of of the 16th instant, and make on it such America, is a question that I do not observations as most naturally present choose to decide, or to give my opinion themselves. The reader should first be upon. But, I cannot help observing, informed, however, that the meeting was that the question was decided in the negaheld for the purpose of discussing a pe- tive by a meeting of the county of Sotition to Parliament against the Property merset only by "a considerable majority;" Tax, or Tax upon Income, which tax and, I must further observe, that the reought, by law, to expire in a few months, port of this "considerable majority" comes but which tax it is supposed the govern- to us through the Times newspaper, that rent means to propose the continuation, channel of skunk-like abuse of America r revival.--The following is the report of and all that is American. Let it be reThe TIMES: On Monday last, at the membered, too, that the power of demeeting of the freeholders, &c. holden ciding who had the majority lay wholly at Wells, to petition Parliament for the and absolutely with the Sheriff, who is repeal of the Property-tax, after the busi- an officer appointed by the crown. This ness of the day was disposed of (an ac-being the case, the words," considerab count of which has already appeared" majority" will be pretty well understood in this paper).---Mr. HUNT remarked, to mean any thing but a large majority; "that the meeting should not disperse and, perhaps, some people may doubt without expressing its thankfulness to whether there was any majority at all. those by whose efforts peace had been At any rate, the County of Somerset made between us and America. He divided upon the question of, whether therefore read a resolution, which he America was, or was not, the only free "submitted for their approbation: "That country left in the world. This was, at the thanks of this meeting are due to least, a question for which many were in those by whose exertions peace with the affirmative. It was received and put to the Americans, the only free remain- the vote without any marks of disappro ing people in the world, has been re-bation; while, on the other hand, he 21 $ was kissed, who said that he hated the lished as yours. But, Sir John, why do Americans, and who called them the you HATE the Americans? You cannot, slaves of the French Government. And surely, hate them because they pay their why, good Sir John, do you hate the President.only about six thousand pounds Americans? What have they done to a year, not half so much as our APOTHE you? You say, that they are the slaves CARY GENERAL receives. You, surely, of the Government of France; but you cannot hate them because they do not do not find it convenient to produce any pay in the gross amount of their taxes proof of what you say. This, Sir John, as much as we pay for the mere collecis one of the old state falsehoods of the tion and management of ours. You, Times newspaper, which you are retailing surely, cannot hate them because they at second-hand like a Grub-street pedlar. keep no sinecure placemen, and no You are, in this instance, a poor crawl- pensioners, except to such as have acing imitator of a wretched grinder of paid- tually rendered them services, and to for paragraphs. Prove, or attempt to them grant pensions only by vote of prove what you say. Attempt, at least, their real representatives. You, surely, to prove, that the Americans are the cannot hate them because, in their counslaves, or have been, the slaves of the try, the press is really free, and truth French; or, you must be content to go cannot be a libel. You, surely, cannot about saddled with the charge of having hate them because they have shewn made an assertion, without being either that a cheap government is, in fact, the able or willing to shew it to be true. Istrongest of all governments, standing in assert, that the Americans were not, in no need of the troops or of treason laws any shape or degree, subservient to France. to defend it in times even of actual I assert, that they all along acted the part invasion, You may, indeed, pity them of a nation truly independent. I assert, because they are destitute of the honour that they, in no case, shewed a partiality of being governed by some illustrious for the Government of Napoleon, If family; because they are destitute of any proof were wanted of their having Dukes, Royal and others, of Most Noble placed no reliance upon France, we have Marquises, of Earls, Viscounts and Bait in the fact, the fact so honourable, so rons; because they are destitute of glorious to them, and so unfortunate for Knights of the Garter, Thistle and Bath, us; I mean the fact of their continuing Grand-Crosses, Commanders and Com contest after Napoleon was put down, panions; because they are, in spite of and still, as firmly as before, refusing to the efforts of the Massachusetts' intriguers, give up to us one single point, though still destitute of Illustrious Highnesses, they saw us allied, with all Europe, and Right Honourables, Honourables, and though they saw the whole of our mon- Esquires; because they are destitute of strous force directed against them, having long robes and big wigs, and see their no other enemy to contend with. This lawyers, of all ranks, in plain coats of proves that they placed no reliance upon grey, brown, or blue, as chance may France. When they declared war, they determine; because they are destitute saw us with a powerful enemy in Europe. of a Church established by law and of Fpon that circumstance they, of course, tythes: you, may, indeed, pity the Recalculated, as they had a right to do; publicans on these accounts; but, Sir: but, when that enemy, contrary to their John, it would be cruel to hate them. expectation, was put down all of a sud To hate is not the act of a Christian, dèn, and the whole of our enormous forec and very illy becomes a man like yourwas bent against America, she was not in- self, who has been a hero, a perfect dra still set us at she faced us; she fought us; and, at thon, in combating the anti-christian prin ciples of the French end of a few months, instead of receiving the Americans, Sir Jolin. Forgive them, a Vice Roi at Washington, as we had Sir John, Pray for them, Sir John. But been told she would, she brought us to do not hate them, thou life and foruake peace with her without irer giving up tune defender of our holy religion. Pray to us one single point of any sort. Deny that they may speedily have a King and this, if you all Sir John; and, if you Royal Family, with a Commander in Chief cannot, answer to the peop'c of Somerset and Field Marshals; that they may have for the speech, which the Times has put a Civil List and Sinecures; that they may Dacoits, 4 |