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ORDER OF THE DAY.
country and of this throne !
You swear ing near 50,000 men, including 27,000 that it shall always be your rallying sign! National Guards, then defiled before his You swear it!
Majesty amidst the cries of Vive l'EmCries, universally prolonged, of We
pereur ! and the acclamations of an imszear, resounded throughout the Assem
mense multitude, covering the Champ de bly. Amidst these acclamations, and Mars and extending to the Seine. His surrounded by the Eagles of all the armed Majesty then entered the military School corps of France, the Emperor proceeded through a crowd, which with difficulty to place himself on the throne erected in opened to afford him a passage, and finally the middle of the Champ de Mars, where, returned in his carriage to the Thuilleries, as Colonel of the National Guard of in the same order of procession as he are Paris, and of the Imperial Guard, he pre- rived in the Champ de Mars. sented Eagles to the Presidents of the departments, and the six arrondissements,
MINISTRY OF WAR and to the Chiefs of his Guard.-Count Chapital, President of the Electoral Col
The most angust ceremony has consecrated on leges of Paris, and Lieutenant-General
institutions. The Emperor has received from the Durosnel, carried the Eagle of the National Guard ; and Lieutenent-General
Representatives of the People, and the Deputies
of all the corps of the army, the expression of Count Friant that of the Imperial Guard.
the wishes of the whole nation on the additional The troops marched in battalion and
Act to the Constitutions of the Empire, which squadron, and surrouded the throne, with the Officers in the first line. The Emperor
had been sent for its acceptance. A new oath said
binds together France and the Emperor. Thus Soldiers of the National Guard of Paris,
are destinies accomplished, and the efforts of an Soldiers of the Imperial Guard, I entrust impions league, will fail to separate the interests to you the Imperial Eagle, with the Na- of a great people from that hero of whom the tional Colours. You swear to die, if must brilliant triumphs have gained the admira
tion of the universe. It is at the moment wlien necessary, in its defence, against the enemies of the country and the throne. the national will displays itself, with so much [Here all who were within hearing inter- energy, that cries of war are heard. It is at the rupted the Emperor with cries of We moment when the national will displays itself with swear.] You swear never to acknowledge so much energy that cries of war are heard. It is any other rallying sign. [New cries of at the moment wiren France is at peace with all tlie We swear.] You, soldiers of the Na- world, thiat Foreign armies move towards onr tional Guard, you swear never to permit frontiers. What are the hopes of this new Coaliforeigners again to stain the capital of the tion? Does it wish to sweep France away from
Does it intend to Great Nation. To your courage I shall her rank amongst nations? entrust it. [Cries of We swear! a thou- enslave 28 millions of Frenchmen? Has it forsand times repeated]-And you, soldiers gotten that the first leagne forined against our of the Imperial Guard, you swear to sur independence only served to aggrandize ng in pass yourselves in the campaign which is power and in glory. A hundred splendid vicabout to open, and to die rather than per- tories, which momentary reverses and unfortumit foreigners to dictate laws to your nate circumstances have not effaced, must remind country.
that Coalition, that a free people guided by a Here the acclamations, and the cries of great man, is invincible. Every man in France We swear, resounded throught the whole is a Soldier when national honour and liberty are of the Champ de Mars. The troops, form- at stake; a conmou interese now unites all
Frenchmen. The enga sements which violence the numbers of our enemies. Soldiers, Napoleon had extorted from ns are destroyed, by the flight guides our steps; we fight for the independence of thie Bourbons from our territories, by the ap. of our fine contry: we are invincible. peal which they liave made to foreign armies 10
The Marshal of Empire, replace them or the Throne which they liave
Major General the Duke of DALMATIA, abandoned, and by the will of the nation, who,
Paris, June 1, 1815. whilst resuming the free exercise of her rights, has solemnly disavowed all that had been done withont her participation. Frenchmen will not receive laws from strangers; even those traitors who
THE CHAMP DE MAI. are gone to solicit amongst foreigners a parricidal Hear a powerful nation's voice assistance, will soon know and experience as well
One gen'ral sentiment proclaim, as their predecessors, that contempt and infamy That great NAPOLEON is their choice, follow their steps, and that they can only wipe From whom they liave deriv'd tlieir fame. off the opprobrium with which they cover them
Hear the gallic warriors swear, selves, by re-entering our ranks.
But a new career of glory opens itself to the army; history
And all the people chorus join; will consecrate the remembrance of the military
See how the glitt'ring sword and spear deeds wbich will illustrate the defenders of the
Like glory round their Emp’ror shine. country, and the national honour. Our enemies With rapture hear them all declare are numerous, we are told; why should we care !
That, while by great NAPOLEON led, their defeat will be the more glorions. The No hostile pow'rs shall ever dare struggle on the eve of commencing, is neither
Again, on their free soil to tread. above the genius of Napoleon, nor above our
The Mountain Nymph, sweet LIBERTY, strength.-- Do we not see all our departments
Long bavish'd by the Bourbon race, rivalling each other in enthusiasm and devotion, form, as through the power of magic, five hundred Calls forth the Frunks, and they obey superb battalions of National Guards, who are
Her signals, and her footsteps trace. already come to double our ranks, defend our for Oli glorious Nation! how I sighi, tresses, and associate themselves to the glory of With my weak arm to lend you aid; the army? It is the impulse of a generous Much rather in your ranks I'd die people, which no Power can conquer, and which Than a vile Despot's tool be made. posterity will admire. To arms! The signal will
CAROLINE soon be given : let every one be at his post. Onr
Epsom Church Yard, June 7th 1815. victorious phalanxes will derive fresh glory from
Printed and Published by G. Houston, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed
to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.
Vol. XXVII. No. 24.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1815. [Price 1s.
[738 TO LORD GRENVILLE,
leon, either in his constitution or his code, began a new.
He did little more than arOn the Constitutions of England, Ame='
range, classify, reduce to order, and prorica, and France.
vide for enforcing the laws, under what.
ever name, passed by the different assem. My LORD-In the published report of blies; and this was the code, which the your speech of the 24th of last month, Bourbons promised to adhere to and supon the subject of the war against France, port. So that the constitution of France, we read the following passage : “ As tó as it now stands, has been the work of 26
new constitutions, he (Lord G.) was firm- years, not only of study, but of experi
ly of opinion, that a good constitution, ence. It is very curious to hear so many “ could only be formed by the adoption persons abusing, or ridiculing, the French 6 of remedies, from time to time, under constitution, and, in almost the same “ the circumstances which required them. breath, saying, that it is no more than “ The only instance of exception men- what the people had under Louis XVIII. “ tioned was that of America; but, that This looks a little like insincerity. C did not apply. The founders of that
It is, however, the alledged resem“ constitution acted with great wisdom. blunce between the English and American
It was framed so as to produce as little governments which is the most interesting
changé as possible in the existing lazos object of examination at present; though 6 and manners under the altered form of it will, before I conclude, be necessary government, which, though a Republic, to see a little what resemblance that of was construeted as nearly as the differ- France bears to each of the former govern
ence would admit, on the MONARCH. ments. I take your Lordship to mean, “ICAL form of OUR OWN CONSTI. of course, that there is a very near resem66 TUTION.”
blance between the English and American This passage, my Lord, owing, I dare governments as they really are in operasay, to the want of accuracy in the Re- tion. Not as they are to be found in porter, is not so clear, or so correct, as
books written about constitutions. What one might have wished; but, its meaning Montesquieu and De L'homme and Blackevidently is, that constitutions of govern- stone and Paley and a long list of grave ment cannot be well formed all at once; political romance writers have published that the American constitution of govern- upon the subject, we will leave wholly out ment bears a very near resemblance to of the question. Your Lordship was talkour own; and (taking in the context), that ing, and so will I talk, of things AS the constitution of government nowadopt- THEY ARE, and not as they ought to ing, or settling, in France, is a bad con- be; or as they are, from parrot-like habit, stitution, or system.
said to be. And, here, my Lord, I beg As to the first of these propositions : leave, once for all, to state, that I am that a constitution cannot be well made offering no opinions of my own upon this all at once, it is of little consequence as subject. Your Lordship, according to to the object which I have in view; for, the published report, says, that there is a the French have been more than 25 years
near resemblance between the English and forming their constitution; and, however American governments. This fact I deny; mortifying it may be to some people, the but, that is all. I do not say that the laws of France, even while the Bourbons American government is better than ours; were on the throne, last year, were, for nor do I say, that it is worse. the far greater part, laws passed by the say, that it does not resemble ours. different National Assemblies, or, as some which is the best and which is the worst would call them, the jacobins. It is a
I leave to the decision of the reades, in very great mistake to suppose, that Napo. whatever country he may live,
But, before I enter on my proofs of the , even though that other were her sister; negative of this your Lordships proposi- nay, her daughter? If an individual tion, permit that I obserre, for a moment, make a valuable discovery, so far is he on the desire, which is so often disco- from communicating it to the world, that vered in this country, to induce other na-he, if he can, obtains a patent for it, and tions to adopt governments like our own. thereby the right of punishing whoever atNo sooner do we hear of a change of go- tempts even to imitate his wares. What, vernment in any couutry, than we begin then, can be the cause of our anxiety to urging the people of such country to adopt make other nations partakers in the blessa government like ours. The newspaper ings of our government? We take spepeople, the Walters and Perrys and the cial care to keep from them all we can in like are everlasting telling the French, the way of commerce. We have a law for that they ought to come as rearly as pos- the encouragement of our own navigation sible to our admirable mixed government. to the discouragement of that of all other Those cunning loons, the Edinburgh Re- countries. We have laws to prevent the carviewers, chaunt the same litinies in every rying to other countries machines to facilisucceeding number. They despair of the tate the making of manufactures. We have French, because they reject our excellent laws to prohibit the carrying of the produce model of government; and they predict, of our colonies to other countries, until it that the American system cannot endure has been brought here. We have laws to long, because it has none of those bodies prevent the exportation of live sheep lest of Nobles, or large proprietors, who are other countries should get our breeds. We the best guardians of the peoples rights, have laws to punish artizans and manufacstanding as the latter do between the turers, who attempt to leave this country, people and the Prince ! This was their and also to punish the masters of the talk, indeed, before your Lordship and vessels in which they are attempting to other great Noblemen joined the Minis- escape; the avowed object of which laws is ters, in support of the war. What these to prevent other countries from arriving place-hunting critics will say now is a at our state of perfection in mannfactures great deal more than I am able to guess. and arts. How is it, then, my Lord, that Thus, too, it was that Burke ranted and we are so generous as to our political pos. raved. The French, according to him, sessions? Generous, did I say? Nay, ought to have been half put to death, be obtrusive and impertinent. We are not cause they despised the 66 admirable" only tendering them with both hands at mixed government of England. How he once; but, we really thrust them upon the ran on, what bombastical balderdash he world; and, if any nation be so resopublished upon this subject, your Lord- lutely delicate as to refuse to receive them, ship knows as well as I ; and you, doubt- let that nation look to itself! loss, remember, that, when answered by " give me a penny ?” said Dilworth's Paine, instead of attempting to reply, he Beggar to the Priest. pointed out the work of his antagonist to you, for the love of Christ, give me a be replied to by the Attorney General!" halfpenny, then, to keep me from starrNow, my Lord, what can be the real “ ing?" No.” “ Will you, then, give cause of all this anxiety to get other me one farthing?" nation's to adopt our own sort of go
" then since I must die with hunger, give vernment? It is not the usual practice me your blessing, Reverend Father." of the world to be so eager to induceKneel down, my dear son, and receive óthers to share in one's happiness.
“ No,” said the Beggar, “for if man, by any accident, finds a parcel of it were worth but one single farthing money in a field, or a wood, does he run you would not give it me; so you may away to bring his neighbours, or even een keep your blessing to yourself.” his cousins, or brothers, to enter into a But, we greatly surpass the Priest; for search with him ? Did we ever hear while we withhold commerce, navigation, of a tradesman, who had a set of good manufactures, arts, urtizans, manufaccustomers, endeavour to introduce per- turers, breed of animals, &c. &c. we not $ons of the same trade to them? Did only offer our blessing, but we abusc ever haudsome woman try to make any those who reject it; and, there are those other woman look as handsome-as hersel lamongst as who scruple not to say, that,
16 Will you
the nation, which has the insolence to re- | John Bull's may be the best government fuse to share in our political happiness, in the whole world; it may be very lau. ought to feel the force of our arms. To dable in him, very disinterested, very huwhat, then, shall I fairly ascribe this de- mane, extraordinarily generous, to urge sire to induce other nations to adopt our other nations to partake in his blessings. sort of government? It is notorious, that He may lament the blindness, or the obmen seek for companions in misery and stinacy, or the perverseness, of the na. disgrace. Never was there a bankrupt tions, who refuse to accept of his offer. who did not wish to make his appearance in But, why should he be angry with them? a copious Gazette. The coward looks bold Why should he be in a rage with them? when he has fled amongst a crowd. The Why should he quarrel with them on that country girls, who anticipate the connu- account? bial tie, always observe, and very truly,
We will now, if your Lordship pleases, that they are not the first and shall not be come to the resemblance between the Engthe last. It is said, that persons, infected lish and the American Governments. with the plague, feel a pleasure in com- They are both called governments, to be municating it to others. To ascribe to a sure; and so are kites and pheasants motive like any of these, our desire to called birds; but, assuredly, though I extend our sort of government to other pretend not to say which is the best, or nations would be shocking indeed. Yet, which is the worst, they resemble each lest we should expose ourselves to the other no more than do these two descripimputation, I think it would be best for tions of the feathered race. To substanus to be silent upon the subject; or, at tiate this assertion, I shall take the mateleast, where nations decline to adopt our rial points, in the two cases, and state system, to refrain from expressing any them in opposite columns, that the conresentment against them on that account. trast may, at once, strike every eye.
AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. A KING, having the sovereign power
The Chief Magistrate is a PRESIsettled on his family by, hereditary de- DENT, freely elected by the People scent.--His heir may be an old man or every four years, and he must be 35 years woman, a boy or a girl. The King's Civil List amounts to more
The President receives a compensation than four millions of Dollars annually, or for his services, which cannot be augment1,000,000 of pounds sterling, besides the 'ed during his presidency; and this comallowances to the Royal Children, Queen. pensauek is 25,000 dollars, or 6,000 &c. &c. amounting to nearly £400,000 pounds sterling.
The King, without the consent of any
The President, with the consent of the part of the Legislature, makes treaties, Senate, who are elected by the people, and even treaties of subsidy, agreeing to can make treaties, provided two thirds Hay money to foreign powers. He ap- 'of the Senators concur. With the same points ambassadors, public ministers, con- consent he appoints ambassadors, public suls, judges, and all other officers whatever. ministers, consuls, judges, &c. The King can do no wrong.
per- The President may be impeached, and son is, sacred and inviolable.
when he is tried in Senate the Chief Justice is to preside. He can only be dismissed and disqualified by the Senate; but, besides that he may be afterwards for the same offence, indicted, tricd, judged, and punished, according to law, like any other
criminal. The King can declare war, and make The President cannot declare war. peace, without any body's consent. Nor can he and the Senate together do
this. It is done by the Congress; and