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vey has to complain of, is, that he could i can help it. The dry matter is this:

not set up the truth in justification; but, in this respect, he is upon the same footing as the rest of us. I was not allowed to prove the truth of my publication; nor is any man who is prosecuted criminally. If I were to detect a man in the act of theft, real, vulgar, poor-man's theft, and were to state the fact in print, he might indict me for it; might prosecute me; and I must be convicted; for, if there were a witness to the fact, I should not be allowed to produce him to prove the truth of what I had said. Therefore, Mr. Creevey's case is not singular. He has the same law for him as we all have; and, Mr. Brougham would have done much better to complain on this score; to make a general complaint against the law, than to stand upon any particular privilege..

tance.

ན སྐྱན་

shall the Catholics have a share of the seats in parliament, and of the high offices in the State, in the ariny, and in the navy, or shall they not; or, in other words, shall they come into a full share, with the Protestants, of the public money.- -Twist and turn the thing as you please; talk about superstition, bigotry, liberty of conscience, or what you like; but, at last, this is the plain, dry question. And, I do not think that the Protestants, who are now in the possession of these good things, will, if they can avoid it, permit these new and famishing candidates to come in and share with them.- -If I thought that the Bill was likely to pass, I should use my best endeavours to prevent its passing; because I think it is a Bill, calculated to make the Catholic Clergy the tools of the government, and to a much greater extent than the Church Clergy can be expected to be.

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"GERMAN PATRIOTS.". The subscription, I see, goes on for these people; -The Abstract, which I here insert, and a correspondent begs me to think better will shew, in a moment, that this is the of them. I do not think ill of the people | case. "This Bill enables Roman Caof Germany. There are no bad people na- "tholics to sit in either House of Parliaturally. When they are bad, they are ment, and to hold all civil and military made bad by their governments. But, offices, upon their taking and making a what I do think, is, that there will be no "certain Declaration and Oath, instead of population found in Germany disposed to "the Oaths of Allegiance, Abjuration, and resist Buonaparte. This is what I think," Supremacy, and the Declarations against and I have heard no reasons in opposition" Transubstantiation and the Invocation of to my opinion. If it be merely a war of "Saints, required by the present laws, soldier against soldier, my firm persuasion" except the offices of Lord High Chanis, that the French will triumph. How- "cellor, Lord Keeper or Lord Commisever, it is useless to deal in conjectures and "sioner of the Great Seal of Great Britain, opinions. The proof is at no great dis- or of Lord Lieutenant or Lord Deputy, or Chief Governor or Governors of Ire"land. Roman Catholics are also to conCATHOLIC QUESTION.Upon this sub- tinue disqualified to hold or to present to sub-tinue ject a Bill is now before the House of Com- any office, benefice, place or dignity, mons, the second reading of which stood belonging to the Established Church, or for Tuesday last, when Sir JoHN Cox" the Church of Scotland, or to any EccleHIPPISLEY moved to put off the matter by siastical Court of Judicature, or to any referring to a Committee an inquiry into the " of the Universities of this realm, or to existing laws against the Catholics. "the Colleges of Eton, Westminster, or This, I must confess, greatly astonished" Winchester, or to any public School of me, who always regarded this gentleman Royal or Ecclesiastical foundation within as the great champion of the Catholic cause," this realm, otherwise than as they are but who, it seems, has now discovered" by the law, as now existing, qualified them to be a very dangerous body; or, át "to hold, or presented to the same. least, to entertain notions very dangerous" No Roman Catholic shall present to any to the Church and State.- -His motion "Protestant advowson; if any ecclesiastiwas lost by a great majority; but, I do not "cal patronage be attached to any office to believe, that the Bill will, at this time," which a Roman Catholic is appointed, become a law for all that.- -It is, as I "the patronage shall be executed by such said before, a question of temporal inte- "Protestant Privy Councillor as His Marests; and, it is not likely, that those, "jesty may appoint. Roman Catholic who are in possession of good things, will" Clergymen shall take an oath, purportadmit others to share with them, if they" ing that they will not recommend, sanc

༔ ནོར་ན

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tion, or concur in the appointment or "conspiracies and attempts whatever, that "consecration of any Bishop, of whose loy-"shall be made against his person, crown, "ally they are not well informed. Per- or dignity; and I will do my utmost ensons discharging spiritual functions with- "deavour to disclose and make known to "out taking this oath, will be guilty of a "His Majesty, his heirs, and successors, "misdemeanour.-None but a natural- "all treasons and traitorous conspiracies "born subject, having been resident in the" which may be formed against him or "kingdom five years immediately previous" them; and I do faithfully promise to "to consecration, shall exercise the func-" maintain, support, and defend, to the tions of Bishop. -These are the heads "utmost of my power, the succession to "the Crown (which succession, by an

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"to Mr. Grattan's Bill, to which Mr. "Canning has proposed several supple-" Act entitled, An Act for the further mentary clauses to the following pur- "Fimitation of the Crown, and the better port:-That every Roman Catholic Bi- "securing the rights and liberties of the "shop to be hereafter appointed shall ob- subject,' is, and stands limited to the "tain a certificate from five English Ca- "Princess Sophia, Electress and Du"tholic Peers, named in the bill, as to his chess Dowager of Hanover, and the "loyalty; and any Bishop officiating with-"heirs of her body being Protestants); "out this certificate, may be sent out of "hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring "the kingdom. That all bulls or briefs" any obedience or allegiance unto any received from Rome, shall be immedi- "other person claiming or pretending a ately communicated to Commissioners right to the Crown of this Realin. I do "appointed by the bill, namely, five Ca-" declare, that I do not believe that the "tholic Peers, the Roman Catholic Bishop "of the London district, the Lord Chan"cellor, and one of the Secretaries of State, "being a Protestant, excepting such bulls relate to the spiritual concerns of individuals, which must be certified upon "oath to be purely of such a nature.-The "penalty of not complying with that pro

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Pope of Rome, or any other foreign "Prince, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or preeminence, directly or indirectly, within "this Realm: I do further declare, that it "is not an article of my faith, and that I do renounce, reject, and abjure the opi66 vision, is, that they are liable to be sent Inion, that Princes excommunicated by out of the kingdom.The Commis-" the Pope or Council, or by the Pope and ❝sioners to be sworn to secrecy.- -There" Council, or by any authority of the See

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"is a similar provision for Ireland.- "of Rome, or by any authority whatso"The Commissioners to certify for the loy- ever, may be deposed or murdered by alty of Bishops to be five Irish Catholic "their subjects, or any person whatsoever. The Commissioners for the in- "I do swear that I will defend, to the ut"spection of bulls to be the same five Peers, most of my power, the settlement and "the Roman Catholic Arch-bishops of arrangement of property within this "Dublin and Armagh, the Lord Chan- realm, as established by the laws, I do "cellor, and Secretary of State, or one of "swear that I do abjure, condemn, and "the Privy Council, being a Protestant." detest, as unchristian and impious, the 66 In the event of the death or absence" principle, that it is lawful to destroy or "" from the kingdom of any of the five Ca- any ways injure any person whatsoever, tholic Peers in either of the kingdoms, a " for or under the pretence of such person "substitute to be appointed by His Ma-"being an Heretic, I do declare solemnly "jesty from among the remaining Catholic" before God, that I believe that no act, in "Peers; or, if there should not be a suf-" itself unjust or immoral, can ever be "ficient number of Catholic Peers, any "justified or excused, by or under the preRoman Catholic Gentleman, possessing "tence or colour that it was done, cher a landed estate of £1,000 a year may be "for the good of the Church, or in obedi"appointed. -The following is the new ❝ence to any Ecclesiastical Power whatsooath: 66 I. A. B. do hereby declare, ever, I do also declare, that it is not an ** that I do profess the Roman Catholic anolo of the Roman Catholic Faith, nei"Religion and I do sincerely promise "ther am I thereby required to betteve or and swear that I will be faithful and bear" profess, that the Pope is infallible, or "true allegiance to His Majesty King" that I am bound to obey any order, in its "George the Third, and him will defend own nature immoral, though the Pope or "to the utmost of my power against all "any Ecclesiastical Power should issue or

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"direct such order: but, on the contrary, "of whose loyalty they are not well in"I hold, that it would be sinful in me to "formed." This word loyalty is of so pay any respect or obedience thereto. I equivocal a meaning; it is a word which "further declare, that I do not believe that allows of such latitude of interpretation, any sin whatsoever committed by me, that I would not trust any ministry with the 66 can be forgiven at the will of any Pope, power of interpreting it.- Ask any sineany Priest, or any person or per- cure placeman what loyalty means, and he sons whatsoever; but that sincere sorrow will tell you, that, amongst other things, "for past sins, a firm and sincere resolu- it means an acquiescence in his living upon ❝tion to avoid future guilt, and to atone to the public. Ask what it means amongst "God, are previous and indispensable re- the hordes of Contractors and Jobbers, and quisites to establish a well-founded ex- they will exclaim, that you must be a fool pectation of forgiveness, and that any not to see that it means an approbation of who received absolution without their mode of making money. the previous requisites, so far from ob- same question to all those who are interest"taining thereby any remission of his sins, ed in the prolongation of the war; and they "incurs the additional guilt of violating a will, to a man, tell you, that it is disloy"Sacrament. I do reject and detest, as an alty to talk about peace with France; and "unchristian and impious principle, that their mothers, wives, sons, daughters, "faith is not to be kept with Heretics or grandfathers, grandmothers, uncles, aunts, "Infidels. I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and cousins, to the fourteenth generation, will and solemnly abjure any intention to sub- say the same. A word of such latitude vert the present Church Establishment, should never have been introduced into an "for the purpose of substituting a Roman Act of Parliament. Loyalty will, in fact, "Catholic Establishment in its stead. I be a devotion to the ruling faction of the "do solemnly swear that I will not use any day; and, of course, if this bill were to "privilege, power, or influence, which I pass, the ready way to become a Catholic do now, or may hereafter possess, to Bishop would be to become a time-serving "overthrow or disturb the present Church politician. Besides, why should this "Establishments of the United Kingdom; quality of loyalty be more insisted upon "and that I never will, by any conspiracy, than the quality of patriotism? Mr. GRATcontrivance, or device whatsoever, abet TAN, the supposed author of this Bill, has "others in any attempt to overthrow or heretofore shone as a patriot; and, why "disturb the same. And that I will make should now greater care be taken of the "known to his Majesty, his heirs and suc- throne than of the people's rights. For my "cessors, all attempts, plots, or conspira- part, I can see no reason for this. I see "cies whether at home or abroad, which greater reason to object to the Bill on this "shall come to my knowledge, for effect account than on any other. It is said to "ing either of these purposes. I do so- give securities to the Protestant Church; it "lemnly, in the presence of God, profess, is said to give securities to the throne; but, "testify, and declare, that I do swear this where are its securities to the people's "Oath, and make this Declaration, and rights? Where is the security, that, for 66 every part thereof, in the plain and ordi- the sake of interest, the Catholic Church nary sense of the words, without any will not join a corrupt faction against the 66 evasion, equivocation, or mental reser- freedom of the people? When the Act of "vation whatever, and without any dis- Settlement was passed; that Act which "" pensation, already granted by the Pope, sent down the crown in the Protestant suc" or any authority of the See of Rome, or cession, it was called an Act for "betler any person whatever, and without think-" securing the liberties of the people," "ing that I am, or can be acquitted before "God or man, or absolved of this Decla❝ration, or any part thereof, although the "Pope or any other person or authority "whatsoever shall dispense with or annul "the same, or declare that it was nulli void from the beginning. So help me "God."- -As to their swearing, I do not care a straw for that; but, I do not like the power of punishing those Clergymen, who may concur in appointing any Bishop, Discounts, 1.

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which had been thought to be endangered by the Romish doctrines as applied to poli- · tics; but, in this Bill, not a word seems to be said about the liberties of the people; it is the Crown and the Church. which are to be secured; and, so that they be but secured, it would seem to have been thought of no consequence what becomes of the people's rights.-In short, what advantage are we to derive from Catholics being allowed to become Judges,

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and it is an insult to common sense to sup-
pose, that men, influenced by such motives,
should find an additional motive in this Ca-.
tholic Bill; to suppose, that a man, who,
in these kingdoms, is at all likely to enter
as a common soldier or a common sailor,
should be the more disposed to do it, be-
cause a law has been passed, which re-
moves the obstacle to his becoming a field-
officer, of which he has, indeed, perhaps,
a better chance than he has of being enroll-
ed in the Calendar of Saints, but of which
the chance is so very small as riever to en-
ter, even in a dream, into his mind; to
suppose this, is something so very wild,
that one cannot help being astonished at its
being seriously mentioned by men of
sense. -But, do not those, who affect to
hold this opinion, contradict themselves?
They never fail to remind us, or, rather, to
assert, that the far greater part of our sail-
ors and soldiers are Irishmen. Now, if
this be the case, how comes it that it is so?
It is always taken for granted, as Doctor
Duigenan once shrewdly observed, that all
these Irish soldiers and sailors are Catholics.
If this be true, it seems, then, that the
protestants, against whose becoming Mar-
shals and Commanders in Chief there is
no prohibition, are less eager to enter the
service than the Catholics, who are, by
law prohibited from experiencing such ad-
How will the advocates for

Generals, Admirals, and Members of Parliament? I do not say, that they ought to be excluded from these situations, but, what good will the nation, or even the great mass of the Catholics, derive from such a change? Very little, I believe; and, if the Catholic clergy are to be made more dependent than those of the church, I am sure the change will be an evil. I always was of opinion, that this measure alone would do Ireland no good; I have always understood that the great body of the Irish Catholics viewed it with indifference, if not with contempt; and I do not believe, that any Irish gentleman, well-informed upon the subject, will assert the contrary. -"Boon!" what boon is it to the two or three millions of potatoe-planters and linen weavers, who have no more chance of a seat in parliament than they have of a belly-full of meat once a day? We have been told, that this bill will bring forth the population of Ireland to fight our battles; why, if we were to believe all that we have heard, it is the Irish and Scotch that do now light all our battles, or, at least, win all our victories. What can they do more for us in this way? We "o' tha Sooth," have long stood with our fingers in our mouths, and seen all the laurels taken off twig by twig, by our "sister kingdoms." I shall never forget the acclamations, the uproar of boasting, in the House of Com-vancement. mons, upon the news of General Graham's the Bill account for this! -Oh! it is a victory, which the Spaniards, by-the-by, sad mockery of poor, hungry, half-naked spoke rather queerly of. The Scotch claim- fellows, to ascribe to them any such ridied the honour on account of the commander, culous motives. They act from the plain, and the Irish on account of the men; and undisguised motive of making their lives there sat the 426 English members as if better; of getting rid of evils which they struck dumb. Mr. Sheridan told them feel press upon them; and having become how the wondrous Commander, while ly soldiers and sailors, they generally behave ing upon the ground in Spain, sketched out valiantly and faithfully. In gratitude for cottages for his tenantry at home. But, the the services of Catholics, it may be barely thinking of that scene makes one just to indulge them in their religious opisick. The point I aim at is this: if the nions; but, I abominate the talk about. 66 true Irish heroes," as GENERAL MATHEWS their being induced to become soldiers or called them, upon the occasion here referred sailors by a Bill, which, if it becomes a to, fight our battles now; if Ireland, as law, may cause a score or two of the sons others tell us, feeds us now; why make of Catholic Noblemen and Gentlemen to obany change at all? Can she do more than tain elevated rank in the navy or the army. fight our battles and feed us? -The truth is, that the soldiers and sailors from the three kingdoms, are, I believe, all equally brave; and that they are, when not impressed, all induced to go into the service, with the hope of getting more victuals and better clothing, or of escaping something which they dread more than they dread the service. These are the causes which send men into the naval and military service;

-The great objection to the building of the measure upon reasons like this, is, that it will produce disappointment. The people of Ireland want more than this Bill will give thein. They feel the tithes, and not the prohibition to become Field-marshals. I dare say, that, out of a million, you would not find one, who would not sell his reversion to a Staff for a pottle of potatoes. The measure proposed by Mr. Parnell about

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tithes, would have done some good; but all the men of sense from Ireland, whom I have conversed with upon the subject, are of opinion, that a total change, as to Church property, is necessary in that country. Perhaps they, too, deceive themselves; for, when once a whole population, or the great mass of it, is become miserable, it is very hard to say what remedy can be applied. -To know the state of Ireland we need not go thither; we need not go to be witness of the man and his inmate, the pig, going to the same source for their dinner, the one helping himself with his paws and the other with his snout, We need not go thither; all we have to do is to observe, that, let what will happen to agitate the public mind, not a movement is seen in Ireland. Upon any of the occasions, with in these ten years, when Addresses, or Petitions, for redress of any grievance, have poured in from the different parts of England, who has heard a word from any part of Ireland? It is manifest that there is no public mind. It is manifest, that, with a climate and soil better than those of the greater part of England; and with a population naturally robust, brave, acute, eloquent, and generous; that with all these, Ireland is rendered comparatively nothing. And, will she be restored by a Bill which may put half a dozen lawyers' heads into big wigs, and clap two shoulder-knots upon the shoulders of a hundred or two of officers who can now wear but one? Will a measure like this re-animate the mind of Ireland, who, while all the rest of the world is in noisy life, "like Lethe sleeps beneath "the storm?"- 66 Tranquillity!" We are told, that this Bill will effect the "tranquillity of Ireland." Really, to hear some people talk, one would imagine, that, in their view of the matter, death was the most desirable of all things. Why, the people are tranquil enough in Turkey and Algiers. Formerly men talked of the freedom of a nation; they cited its bustle and agitation as signs of its spirit of liberty. But, now-a-days, tranquillity seems to be the only thing that we ought to look after; except, indeed, in France, where we most anxiously seek for commotions and insurrections. -But, if tranquillity be the object, Colonel Dillon's plan is certainly far preferable to this plan of Mr. Grattan. Ireland, as I have above observed, seems to enjoy tranquillity as perfect as can well be enjoyed on this side of the grave; but, if it were otherwise, how is the change to be effected by this Bill? Some five or six

score of lawyers, who see in this Bill the chance of elevation, may, perhaps, be silenced, and, Mr. Grattan may, indeed, ask me, if it be doing nothing to shut their mouths. Why, yes; it is something, I confess; but, we are not talking of getting rid of mere noise and froth. We are talking about keeping a people quiet; or, in other words, preventing insurrection and rebellion. And, in what way is this Bill to produce any such effect in Ireland ? Those who are to be benefited by the Bill, are the very persons who must naturally be indisposed to insurrection and rebellion.

-Colonel Dillon's plan was of a kind better suited to the wished-for effect. That gentleman, who is also a Member of Parliament, proposed, in a work addressed to the Prince Regent, to keep Ireland tranquil by the means of inland fortresses, with regular works, well mounted with cannon? That was his plan, and a much more sensible plan it was than that of Mr. Grattan. He proposed to employ the people in raising the works, and then to man the works with a part of them, to keep the rest in order.What does all this scheming prove? Only that Ireland is in a most wretched state, and that she is to be relieved effectually only by some measure, which shall produce a great change in the condition of the people; and, assuredly, no such change will be, or can be, produced by the Bill in question.

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