XII. 1813. 33. Napoleon's the legis CHAP. tion, and declared that nothing had been wanting on his part to secure the peace of the world. He regretted the sacrifices which he was under the necessity of requiring from his people, but reminded them of the undoubted address to truth, that nations have no chance of succeeding in diplative body, lomacy, but by the development of their whole force. M. de Caulaincourt would have produced all the diplomatic papers; but Napoleon was aware that a full communication of the papers relative to the negotiation at Prague would prove that the opportunity of concluding an honourable peace had then been lost, and those re and refer ences to committees. ils ont reconnu les lois que l'Angleterre a cherché en vain pendant quatre siècles à imposer à la France. "D'éclatantes victoires ont illustré les armes Françaises dans cette campagne ; des défections sans exemple ont rendu ces victoires inutiles: tout a tourné contre nous. La France même serait en danger sans l'énergie et l'union des Français. Dan ces grandes circonstances, ma première pensée a été de vous appeler près de moi. Mon cœur a besoin de la présence et de l'affection de mes sujets. Je n'ai jamais été séduit par la prosperité. L'adversité me trouverait au-dessus de ses atteintes. J'ai plusieurs fois donné la paix aux nations lorsqu'elles avaient tout perdu. D'une part de mes conquêtes j'ai élevé des trônes pour des rois qui m'ont abandonné. "J'avais conçu et exécuté de grands desseins pour la prospérité et le bonheur du monde ! . . . Monarque et père, je sens ce que la paix ajouté à la sécurité des trônes et à celle des familles. Des négociations sont entamées avec les puissances coalisées. J'ai adhéré aux bases préliminaires qu'elles ont présentées. J'avais donc l'espoir qu'avant l'ouverture de cette session le congrès de Manheim serait réuni; mais de nouveaux retards, qui ne sont pas attribués à la France, ont différé ce moment que presse le vœu du monde. J'ai ordonné qu'on vous communiquât toutes les pièces originales qui se trouvent au portefeuille de mon département des affaires étrangères. Vous en prendrez connaissance par l'intermédiaire d'une commission. Les orateurs de mon conseil vous feront connaître ma volonté sur cet objet. Rien ne s'oppose de ma part au rétablissement de la paix. Je connais et je partage tous les sentiments des Français, je dis des Français, parce qu'il n'en est aucun qui désirât la paix au prix de l'honneur. "C'est à regret que je demande à ce peuple généreux de nouveaux sacrifices; mais ils sont commandés par ses plus nobles et ses plus chers intérêts. J'ai dû renforcer mes armées par de nombreuses levées: les nations ne traitent avec sécurité qu'en déployant toutes leurs forces. Un accroissement dans les recettes devient indispensable. Ce que mon ministre des finances vous proposera est conforme au système de finances que j'ai établi. Nous ferons face à tout sans l'emprunt qui consomme l'avenir, et sans le papier-monnaie qui est le plus grand ennemi de l'ordre social. Je suis satisfait des sentiments qui m'ont montrés dans cette circonstance mes peuples d'Italie. Le Danemark et Naples sont seuls restés fidèles mon alliance. La république des Etats-Unis d'Amérique continue avec succès sa guerre contre l'Angleterre."—Moniteur, 28 Decembre, 1813; THIERS, xvii. 160-162. garding the proposals of Frankfort would show that nearly CHAP. a month had been wasted in returning an answer to them, XII. and that during that critical time the demands of the 1813. Allies, from a knowledge of the distresses of France, had become greatly more rigorous. It was resolved, therefore, to communicate a selection of the documents, not to the entire assembly, but to a committee of five chosen from each who were to report on the subject; and the Emperor hoped, by influencing the choice of the members who were to compose these committees, to obtain the entire direction of their reports, without letting the documents themselves appear before the public. The committee named by the Senate was, to appearance at least, sufficiently compliant; for it consisted of M. de Fontanes, M. de Talleyrand, M. de Saint Marsan, M. de Barbé-Marbois, and M. de Beurnonville. But the case was very different in the Legislative Body, and it was there that the existence of a feeling decidedly hostile to the government was at once revealed. The candidates proposed by government were at once rejected, and in their room five were named, all men of talent and much respected, not under the influence of the ministry, and who faithfully represented the feelings of the great majority of the chamber. They were M. Lainé, an eloquent and celebrated advocate from Bordeaux; M. Raynouard, an author of distinction, and sincerely attached to independent opinions; M. Maine de Biran, a man of a known meditative and philosophic disposition, which Napoleon has rendered distinguished by the designation of “Idéologie;" in fine, M. de Flaugergues and M. de Gallois, men less distinguished, but not less known for their liberal turn of mind. These were independent members who, faithfully representing the feelings of the chambers, deprived the Emperor of all hope that he could so far influence them as to obtain a report at variance with the 1 Thiers, real import of the diplomatic papers laid before them, 165. which was his true object.1 xvii. 163 CHAP. 34. Resolution mittee on xii. § 15, note. The reading of the papers produced unbounded astonishment in both committees; that of the Senate ac1813. cepted them without reserve, and M. De Fontanes was instructed to prepare the report, which, of course, would of the Com- be entirely in favour of the Government. The reading of the subject. the documents to the committee of the Chamber of Deputies produced at first such surprise, that they requested a second reading, which was at once acceded to. The 1 Ante, ch. secret instructions already given,' which the Emperor had sent to Caulaincourt, which, in effect, nullified the general acceptance of the basis proposed by the Allies in their communications of 14th November, through M. de Aignan, were not given. The committee heard only the Frankfort proposals, the answer of M. Maret, of 16th November, and of M. de Caulaincourt of 2d December; and as the last was a general acceptance of the basis of the natural frontiers of France, they seemed to prove that on this occasion, at least, the Emperor had been sincere in his desire for peace. They were ignorant of the secret instructions which entirely annulled these pacific indications, and did not perceive, in the first moments of surprise, the importance of the long delay, from 16th November, when the proposals were received, to 2d December, when they were really answered, which proved fatal to the negotiation. Still distrustful of the secret intentions of the Emperor, notwithstanding these pacific indications, the committee proposed to annex to this report a declaration, that while they would support with the last drop of their blood his resolution to uphold the natural frontiers of France, yet there was no longer a motive nor an excuse for the further prosecution of the war, after that object was secured.* M. Lainé, who was "Sire, voulait-il dire, vous avez juré à l'époque du sacre de maintenir les limites naturelles et necessaires de la France, le Rhin, les Alpes, les Pyrénées; nous vous sommons d'être fidèle à votre serment, et nous vous offrons tout notre sang pour vous aider à le tenir. Mais votre serment tenu, nos frontières assurées, la France et vous n'aurez plus de motif, ni d'honneur ni de grandeur, qui vous lie, et vous pourrez tout sacrifier à l'intérêt de la paix et de l'humanité."-THIERS, XVii. 168. CHAP. XII. 1813. the leading man in the committee, however, was with some difficulty persuaded that it would be impolitic, in the present state of their foreign relations, to bind down the Government to any such specific basis, and this difficulty was adjusted. But M. Lainé and the committee were unanimous that the opportunity was not to be lost of bringing prominently forward in their report the internal grievances of the nation; in particular the general levying of taxes without legal authority, by a vote of the Chambers; the frightful cruelties exercised in enforcing the conscription; the illegal arrests, arbitrary detentions in prison, and a variety of similar grievances, which proved how far Thiers, France had departed from the objects of her Revolution, 170. and from the principles of real freedom."1 xvii. 169, M. Lainé in Napoleon used his utmost efforts, by means of M. 35. d'Hauterive, to obtain a modification of the Report in Paragraph these particulars; and by great exertions the intended proposed by paragraphs relative to foreign affairs were agreed to be the Report. abandoned, and those referring to internal grievances were reduced to the following very moderate sentence. "It belongs to the Government according to our constitution to propose the means the most effectual to repel the enemy and secure peace on a durable basis. These means will be effectual if the French are convinced that their blood will be shed only to defend the country and our protective laws. It appears, therefore, indispensable to the committee, that, at the same time that his Majesty shall propose the most prompt and efficacious measures for the safety of the state, the Government should be besought to maintain the entire and constant execution of the laws which guarantee to the French the rights of liberty, security, and property, and to the nation the entire enjoyment of its political rights. That guarantee appears to your committee the most effectual means of restoring to the French the energy necessary for their defence in the present crisis." M. de Caulaincourt united his efforts to those of M. d'Hauterive's CHAP. XII. 1813. 1 Thiers, xvii. 172 175. 36. in great anger prorogues the Dec. 31. to get this passage, which they were well aware would be in the highest degree offensive to the Emperor, expunged from the report, but the committee were unanimous in insisting for its retention; and so entirely was this resolution in unison with the feelings of the great majority of the Chamber, that when put to the vote, 223 voices out of 254 were of the same opinion.1 Napoleon expressed the utmost indignation when the Napoleon report of the committee containing this obnoxious passage was laid before him. He instantly wrote out and signed Assembly. a decree proroguing the Assembly. All his councillors united to dissuade him from it, and to recommend moderation, but the Emperor remained decided in his purpose. "You are all agreed," said he, “in recommending moderate measures; but is there any one among you who will insure me that these legislators will not take advantage of some day of misfortune, of which there are so many in war, to execute spontaneously, or at the instigation of some factious leaders, a treasonable enterprise? I cannot venture to hazard such an attempt. Anything is less dangerous than such an eventuality." The reading of this decree to the Legislative Body produced a profound sensation, and at once converted many who were inclined to have been submissive into bitter enemies. But the Emperor did not for one instant swerve from his fixed resolution, or abate in his haughty bearing; and next day, when in conformity with established usage, he received the Legislative Body with the other bodies of the State, 179. he said in a voice of thunder, and with eyes flashing fire as he spoke:-2 Jan. 1, 1814. 2 Thiers, xvii. 175 37. speech on the Chambers. "What would you be at? Is it to gain possession of Napoleon's power? What would you do with it if you had it? Is proroguing there one among you who is capable of exercising it? Have you forgotten the Constituent and Legislative Assemblies, and the Convention? Are you likely to be more fortunate than they were? Would you not all end by being led to the scaffold, like the Guadets, the |