CHAP. court. XII. 1814. 60. Feb. 5. to Caulain "1 the commencement of the Congress to M. de Caulaincourt, "You have conceived erroneous ideas concerning Lord Castlereagh — he is a man of a cool and just mind, Napoleon at without passions, who will never permit himself to be length gives governed by coteries. It would be unfortunate, if in the to Caulain- outset of the Congress prejudices should be entertained against the individuals engaged in it. If the Emperor 1 Metternich really wishes peace, he will obtain it without difficulty.' court, Jan. Next day, being strongly impressed with the dangers of Fain, 279. his situation, he wrote earnestly entreating for fuller powers. “The fate of France," said he, " may depend on a peace or an armistice which must be concluded in four days. In such circumstances, I demand precise instructions, which may leave me at liberty to act." When this letter was received, the battle of la Rothière had been fought, the army was in full retreat, and Maret, with great earnestness, besought the Emperor to yield to necessity, and grant the full powers required. Napoleon, for all reply opened Montesquieu's work on La Grandeur et Decadence du Romains, which lay in his cabinet, and read aloud the following passage: "I know nothing more magnanimous than the resolution which a monarch took, who reigned in our time, to bury himself under the ruins of his house rather than accept conditions unworthy of a king. He had a mind too lofty to descend lower than fortune had sunk him. He knew well that courage may strengthen a crown, infamy never." "But," said Maret, "could ought be more magnanimous than to sacrifice glory itself to the safety of the State which would fall with you?" "Well, be it so," said the Emperor 2 Fain, 287; after a pause; "let Caulaincourt sign whatever is necesto save Paris and procure peace. I must bear the shame of it, but I will not dictate my own disgrace." In two hours after the full powers were despatched.** Cap. x. 375; Hard. xii. 333, 334. sary * "I am authorised, Duke, to make known to you that the intention of the Emperor is that you should consider yourself as invested with all the powers necessary in these important circumstances to take the part which you shall XII. 61. form of the At length the decisive time arrived. On the 5th Feb- CHAP. ruary the commissioners severally exchanged powers; and it was announced that the four Allied sovereigns 1814. would treat together and in union as to the interests and Agreement demands of the continental States, great and small; but as to the that Great Britain would not enter into any discussion negotiations. of her maritime rights, not even with the Powers with whom she was now in alliance, as they depended on natural right, not casual political combinations. M. de Caulaincourt endeavoured to combat this resolution, but in vain, and he was obliged to give way. It was agreed that the negotiation should take place by means of written notes mutually interchanged, and that if they led to any verbal discussion, it should immediately be reduced or rather abridged into a written protocol. The duty of preparing this abstract of the discussions was devolved on Sir Charles Stewart, and the protocols which he drew up exist entire in the archives of the Londonderry family, and where they throw light on the negotiations copious extracts from them will be given in this biography. They agree entirely with what M. Thiers has given as the result of his examination of the French records of the proceedings, a very satisfactory circumstance, as it leaves no doubt as to the accuracy and fidelity of the narrative. Feb. 7. It was not till the meeting on the 7th, that the note Projet des containing the proposed basis of the Allied Powers was 7; Koch, ii. read out by one of the commissioners, which was done 327; Thiers, in a sonorous and impressive manner, and was as fol-290. lows:-1 France was to return to the limits of 1790, and neither to claim any territorial possession nor put forward any pretensions to influence or dominion beyond deem advisable to arrest the progress of the enemy. I have sent you a letter with the needful powers which you have solicited. At the moment when his Majesty is about to quit this city (Troyes), he has enjoined me to despatch to you a second, and to make you aware, in express terms, that his Majesty gives you a carte blanche to conduct the negotiations to a happy issue-to save the capital on which depend the last hopes of the nation, and avoid a battle."MARET to CAULAINCOURT, Troyes, Feb. 1814; FAIN, 286, 287. Alliés, Feb. 343; Fain, xvii. 289, CHAP. XII. 1814. 62. Project of the Allies for a basis of pacifica tion. Feb. 7. those limits. In this way not only were Holland, Flanders, Westphalia, Hamburg, and Italy swept away from the great nation, but the institution and title of Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine and mediator of Switzerland were to be abolished. The old dynasties were to be confirmed in the thrones of Spain and Portugal, to which they had already been restored. In return for so many exactions, England offered to restore to France nearly all the colonial conquests she had made during the war. It is not surprising that such terms, proposing as they did at one fell swoop to sweep away the whole conquests of the Revolution, should have appeared excessively hard and exorbitant to the French plenipotentiary, accustomed as he had been from the commencement of his public life to the contemplation of the grandeur, progression, rise, and ultimate irresistible strength of the empire. His surprise and emotion accordingly were such that, as he himself tells us, it took away his breath. For a time he made no answer, and profound silence reigned in the august meeting. At length, being pressed to make some reply, he requested till evening to collect Cast. Cor.: his thoughts; and this delay having been willingly accorded, he came prepared to state his objections at the afternoon meeting.'* 1 Protocol, Feb. 7, 1814, MS.; Thiers, xvii. 291, 292. *The following is the protocol of this momentous meeting from the MS. made out at the time by Sir Charles Stewart : : "Count Stadion.-In order to proceed with our business and continue our work, I will state, with all the simplicity possible, the propositions of the Allies. Caulaincourt. That is exactly what I desire. "Count Stadion reads the declaration :-'Les Puissances Alliées, réunissant le point de vue de la sûreté et de l'indépendance future de l'Europe avec leur désir de voir la France dans un état de possession analogue au rang qu'elle a toujours occupé dans le système politique, et considérant la situation dans laquelle l'Europe se trouve placée à l'égard de la France à la suite des succès obtenus par leurs armes, les plénipotentiaires des Cours Alliés ont ordre de demander "Que la France entre dans les limites qu'elle avait avant la Révolution, sauf des arrangemens d'une convenance réciproque sur des portions de territoire audelà des limites de part et d'autre, et sauf des restitutions que l'Angleterre est prête à faire pour l'intérêt général de l'Europe contre les rétrocessions ci-dessus demandées à la France, lesquelles restitutions seront prises sur les conquêtes 1814. 63. In the first instance, he called the attention of the CHAP. conference to the wide difference of the basis now put XII. forward and that taken in the Frankfort propositions-a matter concerning which there could be no dispute, as, in M. de Cauaddition to what M. de Saint Aignan stated had passed laincourt's between him and M. de Metternich, which had never Allies. been contradicted, there existed the latter's written note, which contained a résumé of them on his demand from que l'Angleterre a faites pendant la guerre. Qu'en conséquence la France abandonne toute influence directe hors de ses limites futures, et que le chef de son gouvernement renonce à tous les titres qui ressortent de ses rapports de souveraineté ou de protecorât sur l'Italie, l'Allemagne, et la Suisse.' “M. de Caulaincourt.—With regard to France renouncing the titles of the chief of her Government: she has already done so by the facts that have occurred. You have in your propositions generalised the question. France has stated in the most explicit manner she is ready to make the greatest sacrifices; I only desire to know what sacrifices you ask, and to know where I am. "Count Stadion.-The first thing we desire is that France should enter into her ancient limits. "M. de Caulaincourt.-Is not the evident interpretation of 'limits' her ancient possessions? What are the compensations France is to receive? Establish the mass of compensations and the mass of sacrifices. I only ask you to place on one side of the paper what you ask, and on the other the sacrifices, and I will answer immediately. You have stated you are inclined to establish France in a rapport with the other Powers of Europe. France entering into her ancient limits without compensation would not be according to this declaration. Why return on our misfortunes? Specify. If we fall into discussion, I could enter into the Frankfort basis. You have made declarations; a correspondence in writing exists. It is quite evident you have changed your intentions: I only desire to know in twenty-four hours what you wishestablish your decisions. "Count Stadion. The proposition is established on our part as far as possible at present. "M. de Caulaincourt.- We are falling into discussion, and this is what I wish to avoid. 66 "M. de Humboldt.- France, entering into her ancient limits, desires such and such restitutions. It is for France to point these out. "M. de Caulaincourt.-You are all allies to England; you form but one whole. It is for England to declare what she will restore on France entering into her ancient limits. If you don't establish things in this way, I should return to the Frankfort basis. "Count Stadion.-The mass of sacrifices are in the first instance that France should return into her ancient limits. "M. de Caulaincourt.—It is not that those who are to make the sacrifices are to designate them. “M. de Razumowski. -Let us resume, and return to the general principle. Europe desires France to enter into her ancient limits; France's present position in Europe does not justify her in mixing in the affairs of Europe, “M. de Caulaincourt.-I can only understand limits as possessions: if you propose to France to enter into her limits, afford her facilities for this general VOL. II. S reply to the СНАР. XII. 1814. the Duke of Bassano for an explicit declaration of the French Emperor's intentions regarding them. That answer had been given; the basis had been formally accepted; and on what principle do the Allied Powers now come forward with proposals so essentially different? Again, to regard the matter with reference to the balance of power in Europe, with what reason can it now be insisted, after having solemnly declared on entering upon arrangement. I am ready to hear and listen to any propositions for France. It is proposed, on the part of Europe, for France to enter into her limits. Put the question on her ancient state of possessions, and then say what possession affects England or any other Power. If there are objects of difficulty, France will remove all. "M. de Razumowski.-We speak of the limits of France in Europe. "M. de Caulaincourt.-The rôle I play here is not one of an agreeable nature; it is a rôle de sacrifices. Permit me to read the papers. (Reads.) What results from this? A new order of things in Europe. Why not establish immediately what that order is to be? What is it that you wish! Your projet is with application; it binds by a general demand to all, and it applies to all. "Count Stadion.-The first demand is positive. "Sir Charles Stewart.—Are you ready to declare for France, in limine, that she is willing to enter into her ancient limits in Europe? "M. de Caulaincourt.-It is impossible to make two questions of this; it can be but one. "M. de Humboldt.-France says, perhaps, I will enter into my ancient limits if England will restore so and so, and France should specify. "M. de Caulaincourt.-Tell me what you demand-you have but to prescribe I will finish immediately. You tell me to enter into my ancient limits. You will not tell me what you will give me for this. Tell me only, if France will enter into her ancient limits, are you authorised to make the offer of the restitutions? "Sir Charles Stewart.-It is for France to answer the first demand and to préciser. "M. de Caulaincourt.-To know the sacrifices you ask, and the use you would put them to, is necessary. This cannot be taken divided. "Sir Charles Stewart.-England's sacrifices will be for the state of Europe, not to France. I don't understand why we should have the charge of stating them. "M. de Caulaincourt.-Much will depend, if we accept our ancient limits, on the use you will make of such and such possessions. This can be a proceeding but on a statement of circumstances. For example, suppose you demand Belgium, the departments of the Rhine, &c.-in order to say whether we will give this, we should know the use you will make of them. "M. de Razumowski.—This of course must be taken ad referendum. "M. de Caulaincourt.-I beg you will explain what you will do with the concessions and sacrifices you desire, and the use you will make of them, and, if they are agreed to by me, is it peace? "Lord Aberdeen.-We cannot answer this question at present. M. de Caulaincourt.—If I accept these propositions, do I finish the war! |