Provisional Government in the expediency, as soon as possible, of signing the preliminaries of peace, in order to shorten the stay of the armies in France. For this purpose they justly regarded his presence there indispensable,* and he accordingly remained in Paris to conclude the negotiations.

CHAP.

XIII.

1814.

reagh's

faults of the

open new conthe stitution in

France.

In the midst of all this triumph and exultation, it was 90. every day becoming more apparent to the few sagacious Lord Castleobservers who preserved their senses amidst the general views of the whirl, that the proposed institutions for France were to great exception, and far from being adapted to existing state of society either there or in Europe. No one saw this more clearly than Lord Castlereagh, or prognosticated more distinctly the march of events that as yet lay buried in the womb of time. "The concession of the hereditary principle," said he, "to the existing senators, is a great fault. Had their functions and endowments been considered as personal and for life only, no fair objections could have been made. As it is, if they cannot reform this arrangement, they must add, progressively at least, a hundred more members to the chambre haute; these will neutralise the fagots. Deducting foreigners, senators without male heirs, and certain respectable persons,

wish he would at the outset undertake this embassy. His military name would give him and us the greatest ascendancy. His army may now return through France, delight the Parisians, and save their horses by passing at the ports of the narrow seas."-LORD CASTLEREAGH to LORD LIVERPOOL, Paris, April 13, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, ix. 459.

* "The Provisional Government consider that the great object is to conclude preliminaries of peace with the least possible delay, in order to avoid the unfavourable impression which the protracted stay of the troops is likely to create in France. They at the same time feel that this can only be done with the King, and they have accordingly this day urged Monsieur to press his immediate arrival, and his acceptance of the Constitution, even with its faults, rather than risk the result of national discussions on political metaphysics. In the mean time we propose to sign with the Provisional Government a suspension of hostilities by sea and land, under certain modifications; and, further, to commence our deliberations upon the peace itself, so as to have it ready for signature upon the King's arrival. Under these circumstances I cannot hesitate to declare that I consider my continuing here, till this act is perfected, as indispensable."-LORD CASTLEREAGH to LORD LIVERPOOL, Paris, April 13, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, ix. 459.

VOL. II.

2 G

XHIL

the number of nearly unfit subjects will then be reduced to XL thirty or forty. I think this is the greatest practical fault they have committed. The article of the constitution respecting the Culte is ill-drawn. Toleration, and even endowment, was indispensable, the provision being already granted to all; but the wording seems to countenance equal endowment, which is absurd. The great object is for the King, without doing it in terms which might excite suspicion, to preserve to the three estates the clear and undisputed right of self-modification, without reference to primary assemblies. If the full prerogative of legislation is secured, and he is not in too great a hurry, either to innovate or obtrude the ancient families into too prominent notice, he will soon secure a strength amongst Lord Cas- the men who have now the influence in their hands, which Lord Liver will effect his purpose." At the same time, Mr Cooke wrote from the Foreign Office in London, a letter which Cor. ix. 481. is well deserving a place in this biography, from the clear insight it evinced into the future of coming events.* In the arrangements for the future settlement of Europe, Difficulties NORWAY came to occupy a principal place, and it had to Norway. now become environed with very serious difficulties. It had been promised by the Emperor Alexander to Bernadotte, during the conferences at Abo in 1812, when

tlereagh to

pool, Paris,

April 20, 1814, Cast.

91.

with regard

1

* "We are all joy here. The only check to my feelings is the French Constitution. Such a House of Lords! without family, property, character! The court, the nobility, the people, must detest them; they may hope for the support of the armies. If the army can be detached from the Senate, it will fall. Were I a Bourbon, my first policy would be to get over the generals andthe army; and, if they could be really secured, then to replace the Senate with the old nobility. The next thing I would do would be to pay the established religion only, and to increase the number and provision of the clergy. The clergy of France is by no means numerous enough for the purposes of religion or educa tion. I was talking with La Rivière to-day, who was President of the Council of 500; he says the constitution cannot last a year. People lament here that the Emperor of Russia is so easily flattered away. Despotism and Jacobinism! The Opposition are in love with the Emperor. At the same time, the line which has been taken has been most happy, as it has brought everything to a termination without much bloodshed. They say Buonaparte will be always ready at Elba to place himself at the head of any discontented party in any State bordering upon the Mediterranean."-EDWARD COOKE, ESQ., to LORD CASTLEREAGH, Foreign Office, April 14, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, ix. 462.

XIII.

1814.

Russia, pierced to the heart, stood in the utmost danger, CHAP. and when the Crown Prince, by concluding an alliance with the Czar, and permitting the Russian troops in Finland to be transferred to reinforce the army of Count Wittgenstein, near Polotsk, contributed powerfully to the ultimate defeat of the French invasion. This engagement had been implemented by Great Britain and the other Allied Powers in 1813. The Emperor had never forgotten this obligation, which all the subsequent tortuous conduct of the Crown Prince had been unable to obliterate; and such was his partiality for that successful adventurer, that down to the very last moment at Paris, he had serious thoughts of placing him on the throne of France, from which extraordinary project he was only diverted by the repeated assurances of Talleyrand, and Marshals Ney and Macdonald, that it would be to the last degree distasteful to the French nation. Though abundantly inclined to diplomatic finesse where his ministers only were concerned, the Emperor was scrupulously observant of his word when his private honour was pledged, and it certainly was so on this occasion. The Czar also was too powerful a party in the Confederacy, and had done too much for the common cause, to admit of his wishes being disregarded, especially in relation to arrangements on the shores of the Baltic. The Danish Government had, soon after the destruction of the French army in Russia, formally offered to abandon the French alliance, and accede to the Confederacy, on condition that Norway was guaranteed to them; but although the balance then hung so even that it was of the utmost importance to secure this addition to the Allied side, the Emperor of Russia absolutely refused to accede to the terms proposed, and Denmark accordingly remained in the French alliance. The Cabinet of Copenhagen, therefore, having taken their part definitively in a combat à l'outrance, had no right to complain if they underwent the stern rule of war, Va victis. But now the case was

194

CHAP. exceedingly and painfully complicated by the acts of the Norwegians themselves, who were as much attached to in the Danish connection as they were animated by hereditary hatred to the Swedes, and were with mournful resolution preparing to defend themselves by force of arms, against whoever threatened their independence. Lord Castlereagh sympathised as warmly as any man with these gallant descendants of the Scandinavian heroes, but the circumstances would not admit of effect being given to this feeling, and all he could do was to recommend a decided part, in order to prevent the Norwegians from persevering in a hopeless contest.*

92

soners of

An important historical document has been brought to French pri- light in the Castlereagh Correspondence, eminently dewar in Great Scriptive of the extraordinary successes of the British arms this period. during the last years of the war. This is a return of the French, Danish, and American prisoners in Great Britain

Britain at

“Charles Jean has no great claim to favour; but as none of the Powers could well justify a breach of treaty to Sweden upon the grievances, and I must say strong suspicions, we are justified in entertaining of their general, and as Russia perseveres in execution of her treaty, I think we must, in good faith as well as policy, use our best endeavours to finish the business, without suffering the people of Norway to embark in a contest, in which we must at least navally fight against them, under the stipulations of our treaty. Murat is another sinner-whether to an extent that we can take notice of, I am not yet prepared to say; but the Viceroy [Eugene] has given some strong evidence against him. The events in France have secured us there. If the war had continued on this side of the Alps, Italy would have soon become a dangerous card, which was in itself a new source of alarm, intrigue, and weakness."-LORD CASTLEREAGH to LORD BATHURST, April 27, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, ix. 512.

"I see no difficulty in executing this measure now, as far as the Prince of Sweden is concerned. We owe him no compliments, and he has business enough in Norway to look after. In this object, for our own sakes, we must assist him. We cannot punish the Swedes for his fault; and hesitation in our mode of acting will only add to our own difficulties, by encouraging the Norwegians to persevere. This is the feeling both of Russia and Austria. There is no other Allied sovereign that can take offence; and the line draws itself when confined to the four great Powers who have conducted the whole. The conduct of Austria has been throughout so good, under difficult circumstances, and recently so very distinguished, that the Prince will raise himself and his Government by re-echoing the general sentiments; and I can assure you that the influence of Austria in France not only has been, but still is, of immense importance in the completion of our work. It is still more important to our views in the Netherlands. You may command her entire exertions on both points by good management, and without any sacrifice."-LORD CASTLEREAGH to LORD LIVERPOOL, Paris, April 20, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, ix. 479.

1814.

at its close, being the only Powers with whom Great CHAP. Britain was then in a state of hostility. They were in XIII. all 76,830, of whom 67,360 were native French. The cost of maintaining them was £100,000 a-month, which fell as a burden entirely on the British Government, as Napoleon would neither consent to an exchange of prisoners on reasonable terms, nor remit anything for their maintenance. The entire British prisoners in France at the same period were only a few thousands, and they were entirely supported by their own Government. No facts can be imagined more characteristic of the opposite principles and tenor of the respective Governments.*

93.

about the

Antwerp.

When the negotiations for the terms of peace began in good earnest, a difficulty which at first sight threatened Difficulty to be very serious, arose about the fleet at Antwerp. It fleet at was unanimously agreed to take the Chatillon projet as the basis of the negotiation; but that basis said nothing about the ultimate disposal of the ships, but only that they should not go to France; and the complexion of the case had entirely changed since the Bourbons had returned to the throne, and it was an object to give the terms demanded as much of a generous and friendly air with them as possible. Naturally, as Antwerp was ceded to Holland and the united arms of England and Prussia, the ships should have belonged to these Powers as public

* STATEMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR IN BRITAIN AND ABROAD,

"Under any circumstances, I do not suppose that you would think of detaining the French prisoners here, at an expense of about £100,000 per month, beyond the signature of the preliminary articles; though, I believe, they have usually been liberated finally on a definitive treaty only."-LORD MELVILLE (First Lord of the Admiralty) to LORD CASTLEREAGH, Admiralty, April 21, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, ix. 487.