CHAP. XIV. 1814. 6. Sweden. to The same reason of overpowering necessity to provide a barrier against Russia, led Lord Castlereagh to acquiesce, as already seen, in the annexation of Norway to Sweden, His views in terms of the treaty with Russia in 1812. Denmark Norward being entirely at the mercy of Russia, by reason of her geographical position, if Norway formed part of her dominions, Sweden would be in the same predicament, and the Baltic would become as completely a Russian lake, as by the treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi the Euxine afterwards became. But if the whole Scandinavian peninsula were united under one head, the keys of the Sound would be divided. Sweden was the ancient and hereditary enemy of Russia, and ally of England; and these dispositions might be expected to acquire additional strength, if Great Britain were the only Power on whom she could securely rely for support against her gigantic neighbour. Nor would she, to all appearance, rely in vain; for the Swedish fleet, aided by the British, would be more than adequate to the encounter of the Russian; and the march round the Gulf of Bothnia is so long and difficult, as to be alone practicable in the height of summer, and even then only to a comparatively small body of troops. The experience of the late war had sufficiently proved that, with the aid of the fleet and an inconsiderable body of British troops, Sweden, when delivered from Finland, could maintain its independence against all the efforts of Russia. 7. But the same paramount necessity of securing Europe And Italy. against the preponderance of France and Russia, led Lord Castlereagh to a conclusion directly the reverse in regard to Italy. He was profoundly impressed with the opinion, which he shared with Metternich and all the most experienced statesmen of the age, that that beautiful peninsula, divided as it had been for ages into separate principalities, and unaccustomed to warlike exertions, was incapable either of bearing the excitement of internal freedom, or maintaining, from its own resources, its external independence, but perfectly capable of being swept away by the passions of liberty, and rushing headlong, regardless of the consequences, into the career of revolution. A more perilous neighbour than a people of such mingled passions and weakness for France, in which the innovating desires were only damped, not extinguished, could not be conceived; and Lord Castlereagh, accordingly, equally with Prince Metternich, regarded Italy as the country in which the vast eruption of the revolutionary volcano was likely next to break out, which would probably extend to and involve the whole Continent in a general war, and terminate in re-establishing that oppressive military despotism of France, from which Europe had recently suffered so severely and so narrowly escaped. A revolutionary dynasty, once re-established at Paris, every subsequent successful revolution in Europe would be a direct addition to the power of France, because it would add another to the league of revolutionary, against monarchical states. Whatever her feelings and sympathies might be in the outset, her material interests, and the instinct of self-preservation, would necessarily compel England to join the latter league in the end, though possibly when it might be too late. The only way to guard against these manifold and formidable dangers, and prevent Italy from becoming the right arm of France in the great contest which was to avenge the Peninsular victories and capture of Paris, was to continue the entire peninsula under its old government, and prevent that temporary concentration of its strength, ostensibly in defence of its independence, which would eventually terminate in its entire subjugation, and being exclusively devoted to the purposes of France. Such were Lord Castlereagh's views for the settlement and future independence of Europe, and which were in great part embraced by the Congress of Vienna. Stigmatised at the time, and for a course of years afterwards, as an unworthy concession to the desires of the Continental sovereigns, and a remnant of antiquated ideas behind the CHAP. XIV. 1814. XIV. 1814. CHAP. lights of the age, they were in reality based on the love of independence, and a clear perception of the quarter in which it was most likely to be menaced. Every day is now illustrating their wisdom and confirming their justice. They were indeed inconsistent with the lights of the age, but not because they were behind, but because they were before them. 8. gress of Vienna. By the thirty-second article of the treaty of Paris of Assembling 30th May, the Congress at Vienna was to meet in two of the Con- months from that date. But it was soon found that this time was too early. It was so for all the Powers engaged in the treaty. The Emperor of Austria, who had not come to London, made a triumphant entry into Vienna, attended with extraordinary magnificence. A splendid transparency was exhibited on this occasion in the evening, in which Alexander and Francis were represented en première ligne; Frederick William and George en second. After the fêtes in London were ended, the King of Prussia returned to Berlin, and the Emperor of Russia repaired, not to St Petersburg, but to Warsaw, where he immediately exerted all the inexpressible charms of his manner in conciliating the Poles. His courtiers speedily spread abroad his views regarding this country; it was known that he contemplated the entire restoration of Poland under a constitutional government, in conformity with the wants of the age. This intelligence diffused universal enchantment; and it was little allayed by the knowledge that the Emperor himself was to be at the head of the government, because they thought with reason, that the great thing, in the first instance, was to reconstruct the monarchy; its independence would come after. At St Petersburg they held still higher language; and the letters of the minister at Berlin announced that xviii. 421; the Prussians declared that unless they got the whole of Saxony, they would be worse off than they were before the war; while the Russians boasted that with 600,000 1 Thiers, Cap. i. 70 73. 1 men ready to take the field, there was no occasion for much negotiation about Poland.* At length, on 25th September, the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia made their public entry into Vienna, and were met at the gate of the city by the Emperor Francis. The three sovereigns embraced with every mark of the most cordial affection, amidst the enthusiastic applause of a vast concourse of spectators, surrounded by whom they were conducted by their imperial host to their magnificent quarters in the palace. Next day the Kings of Bavaria, Wirtemberg, and Denmark arrived, with the Prince of Orange, and a crowd of Italian and German potentates, who were likely to be interested in the arrangements which were anticipated. The King of Saxony alone was absent, who had been a prisoner in Berlin on his parole ever since the battle of Leipsic, and the Empress Marie Louise, who was at Schönbrunn busily occupied, under the direction of her principal officer, Count Neiperg, a man of discretion and ability, in defending her own rights and those of her son, the King of Rome, in the Duchy of Parma, against the pretensions and claims founded on old hereditary rights of the two branches of the house of Bourbon. They were all attended by their respective ministers; Nesselrode on the part of Russia, and Hardenberg on that of Prussia. The Prince Regent * "There is a general uneasiness here, and the language of the Russians is not of a nature to lessen it; they are the first to condole with the Saxons, to cry out against the atrocity of their contemplated annexation to Prussia, and to throw the odium of it on this country [Britain]; while, on the other hand, one of their leading generals, speaking of the probable difficulties which might occur at the approaching congress, replied, 'Oh! pour cela, avec 600,000 hommes, on ne négocie beaucoup.' Prince Hardenberg, aware of these circumstances, despairing of Russia being induced to forego any of her pretensions on the side of Poland, and anxious to allay the jealousy which is very generally felt among the Prussians at seeing their neighbours already in possession of their respective allotments, is very strenuous in his endeavours to accelerate the occupation of Saxony-a measure believed to be so repugnant to the personal feelings of the King his master, that, at a council held last week, in which the Chancellor, supported by Prince Blucher and Count Tauenzein, strongly urged its necessity, his Majesty could not be induced to consent to its immediate execution, and broke up the assembly with evident marks of displeasure."-MR JACKSON to Lord Castlereagh, Berlin, August 19, 1814; Cast. Corresp. x. 96. CHAP. XIV. 1814. 9. It is assem bled. Sept. 25. CHAP. XIV. 1814. 1 Thiers, xviii. 422; Cap. i. 70, 78; Hard. xii. 452, 453. 10. Points on were all agreed and on which they differed. of England and King of France were not present; but they were fully represented by their respective ministers for foreign affairs, Lord Castlereagh on behalf of the former, and Prince Talleyrand on that of the latter. Nor were princesses and female diplomatists awanting, often the most important because the least suspected, and the most persuasive negotiators on such occasions. Among them was particularly remarked the Grandduchess Catherine, sister of the Emperor Alexander, and widow of the Duke of Oldenburg, a princess of remarkable energy and talent, known to exercise a considerable influence over her brother and many others of the leading persons in the Congress.1 On some of the leading points of the arrangements all parties were agreed, and their consent had been ratified which they by the treaty of Paris on the 30th May preceding. It was settled that Holland, augmented by Belgium, was to be allotted to the Prince of Orange, with the title of King of the Netherlands; that Austria was to receive Lombardy and Venetia as far as the Po and the Ticino ; that Prussia should be reinstated in all her dominions, as they stood before the French war in 1805; and that the Grand-duchy of Warsaw, so much the object of jealousy and desire to Russia, should be dissolved, and Norway annexed to Sweden, as well as Genoa to Piedmont. But the boundaries of Belgium, especially towards Germany, were not fixed, the fate of Saxony was undecided, and that of Poland was involved in impenetrable darkness, which the Western Powers recoiled from attempting to penetrate. From the very first a very great degree of concord was observed among the representatives of the four great Powers which had taken the lead in the war of liberation, and "les quatre," as they were called, were the object of undisguised jealousy to the other states, and especially France and the lesser states of Germany. But within the awful precincts of "les quatre" there was a still closer alliance, founded not merely on identity of po |