CHAP. XIV. 1814. 16. Bri abolition of trade every But, by a strange coincidence, at the very time when these weighty concerns were devolving on the British plenipotentiary, and the peace and independence of Europe, threatened by such serious dangers, was at stake Universal probably for ages in the arrangements which were in pro- passion in gress, the attention of the people of England was exclu- tain for the sively directed to an object of humanity, honourable to the slave themselves, but when carried to the length it was at that where. time, extremely detrimental to the general interests of Europe. Poland was threatened with absorption into the immense power of Russia; the independence of Germany was seriously menaced; the throne of the Bourbons was known to be undermined; and Italy was in a state of smothered combustion, arising from the collision between ancient vested interests and modern ardent aspirations, at this moment when so much was at stake, and the future peace and independence of England might risk so much upon French connection, and that it was wiser to preserve, as far as possible, the goodwill of France, whilst we laboured to unite Germany, for its own preservation, against Russia. I was induced to prefer this course, first, as affording the best chance, if Prussia could be brought forward, of averting the Polish danger without a war; and, secondly, if we failed in this object, as opposing the best barrier to further encroachments on the part of Russia, whilst it afforded that natural cover to our interests on the side of Flanders, without leaving them at the mercy of a combination formed somewhat out of the natural course of political interest. "I have troubled you with this outline of the policy upon which I have been acting here, that you may use your own discretion, as occasions arise, of preparing and reconciling the mind of the French Government to a concert between the two limitrophe Powers against Russian encroachment and dictation. You will find their minds (at least Prince Talleyrand's is) very averse to Russia, and impatient of the notion of any union between Austria and Prussia; yet, while they most inconsistently object to such a union, they admit that it is the only mode in which Prussia can be kept within due bounds. If France were a feeble and menaced Power, she might well feel jealous of such a German alliance; but, as her direct interests are out of all danger, it is unreasonable that she should impede the sole means that remain to Germany of preserving its independence, in order either to indulge a sentiment towards the King of Saxony, or to create a French party amongst the minor States. France need never dread a German league: it is in its nature inoffensive, and there is no reason to fear that the union between Austria and Prussia will be such as to endanger the liberties of other States. Until the determination of Austria and Prussia is more fully established, I have to beg your Grace will make your reasoning general, and not admit that any negotiation is in progress." LORD CASTLEREAGH to the DUKE OF WELLINGTON, Vienna, October 25, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 173-175. XIV. 1814. CHAP. depend on a stroke of her diplomatist's pen, Lord Castlereagh was left alone by his country to fight the battle of European independence. Not a public meeting was held to strengthen his hands in the great struggle for Polish independence or the formation of a barrier on the Vistula and the Rhine against the strides of Muscovite or Gallic ambition. There were public meetings in plenty to apply a pressure to the diplomatists supposed to be all powerful, but it was directed to none of these objects. The slave trade was the only subject of interest. The idea was all but universally taken up in Great Britain that now was the time to achieve the grand victory of justice and humanity over cupidity and cruelty. This belief, strongly inculcated by the clergy of all denominations, soon became a perfect national passion. Lord Castlereagh said justly that there was scarcely a town or village in Great Britain in which meetings were not held to petition the Crown or Parliament on the subject. Nothing else was thought of-what was pressed upon Government was that it should be made a condition of the restoration of their colonies to the French or the Dutch that they should instantly abolish the slave trade, and that a day should be fixed after which this traffic should be declared piracy by all the Powers, punishable with death whenever a vessel conveying slaves was taken.* "You must really press the Spanish Government to give us some more facilities on the subject of the slave trade, else we can do nothing for them, however well inclined. The nation is bent upon this object. I believe there is hardly a village that has not met and petitioned upon it; both Houses of Parliament are pledged to press it, and the Ministers must make it the basis of their policy. It is particularly important that Spain and Portugal should not separate from all Europe upon it, else prohibitions against the import of their colonial produce will be the probable result. Urge, therefore, the French engagement for five years, and prevail upon them to instruct Labrador accordingly. With respect to the immediate abolition north of the line, if you cannot confine them to the southward of Cape Lopez, press Cape Formoso. . . . You will recollect that Spain had no slave trade of her own previous to our aboli. tion; and it now appears that she imports few really for her own colonies. The greatest proportion of those carried in the first instance to Cuba and Porto Rico are reshipped on American account, and smuggled into the United States, principally up the Mississippi, in defiance of the American laws of abolition. A mutual right of search is of great importance to check abuɛe.”— XIV. 1814. 17. the way by But here a fresh and unforeseen difficulty occurred, CHAP. over which the British diplomatist had no effective control. The greater part of the ceded colonies had originally belonged to France, and the Government of France Difficulties were far from sharing the views of the British on the thrown in subject. On the contrary, they were informed by their the French. old colonists, and they believed or affected to believe them, that the immediate abolition of the slave trade would prove their ruin, and the French Government insisted that if they acceded to the demand, it could only be on receiving some compensation, either in a pecuniary LORD CASTLEREAGH to SIR H. WELLESLEY, August 1, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 73. "May I venture now to say what I would do were I a member of the Congress? I would first try with all my might to get rid of the article in the treaty of 3d May [postponing the abolition] entirely and immediately, so that the abolition might be immediate and universal; and I would, if the French would accept it, even give up a colony in exchange; that is, I would leave no stone unturned to secure immediate abolition, if possible. But if, after all my exertions, I could not get it, then I would aim at two things-1st, to reduce the five years [allowed for abolition] to two or three years at most; 2d, to have all the coast north of the line freed from the ravages of the slave trade. After this, I would get a decree from the Congress, that after the two, three, or four years were expired, no nation whatever should be permitted to carry on the slave trade at all. After this period it should be declared contrary to the law of nations, and put upon the same footing as piracy. The same seals which guaranteed the government of France to the Bourbons, and the restoration of territory and government to the Spaniards and Portuguese, should guarantee liberty, or freedom from the slave trade, to Africa. A day then should be fixed, after which any slave vessel, found to be such, should be liable to capture, and to be treated as a pirate. This latter clause is essentially necessary. All the contracting Powers, or four or five of the most powerful, should give in their names in combination for the execution of the Act."-MR CLARKSON to the DUKE OF WELLINGTON, September 11, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 118, 119. “The general feeling of those with whom I have conversed upon the subject of the French slave trade, seems to be that the decision of the question of the abolition of the slave trade rests so entirely with his Majesty's Government that it would be useless, especially in the present state of the negotiations, to have recourse to other means of influencing its decision than Great Britain herself possesses. All the persons interested in the French colonies, together with their numerous connections in this country, are so impressed with the importance and even necessity of the slave trade to the prosperity of their colonies, that it cannot be doubted that the voluntary abandonment of this trade on the part of the French Government would be an unpopular act. That Government, however, it is believed, would escape all blame if it were understood that the abolition of the French slave trade was exacted by Great Britain as the indispensable condition of the restoration of her colonies to France."--ZACHARY MACAULAY to LORD CASTLEREAGH, May 29, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 47, 48. CHAP. 1814. form or by the cession of an island for the sacrifice required. Lord Castlereagh did his utmost to enforce the demand; but Talleyrand held resolutely for a compensation; and, to solve the difficulty, Lord Liverpool expressed the willingness of the British Government to cede an island to purchase the consent of France, and suggested Trinidad for that purpose.* This arrangement, it will be immediately seen, was not gone into; but it must always be regarded as an honourable incident to the British Government and nation, that they were willing to abandon part of their conquests for an object of no value whatever to themselves, but important only as tending to promote the general interests of justice and humanity. And it is a curious proof how much the British people are subject to sudden and uncontrollable impulses, especially when springing from the generous affections, and how erroneous is the opinion generally entertained on the Continent that they are entirely governed by the selfish, that while the great and important arrangements in progress at the Congress of Vienna, on which the peace and independence of Europe, and their own and their children's * "Upon considering the matter thoroughly, I do think that, especially after what has passed, it would be desirable to have some producible record that we had offered to France a pecuniary compensation, or an island, for the immediate abolition of the slave trade. Some such proposition is certainly expected by the abolitionists. These expectations have been encouraged by the report of the disposition of the French Government to listen to it; and unless the attempt is made in some shape, in which it can be shown it has been made and rejected, I am apprehensive we shall not stand well with many of our friends. I have the less disinclination to the offer of an island for this object, since it has been determined to retain Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice. These settlements are most valuable to us, not only as they are occupied almost exclusively by British proprietors, but likewise as they contain the principal cotton establishments in America for the use of our manufactures. The retention of them will add, however, in some degree, to the colonial jealousy which exists on the Continent of Great Britain; and I have reason to believe that the planters and merchants interested in the settlements in question did not expect that we should keep them. Under these circumstances, I think we can afford to offer a West India colony for the accomplishment of an object which the nation has certainly so much at heart. I would offer none but a West India colony, and I have already stated to you my reasons for preferring to offer Trinidad." LORD LIVERPOOL to the DUKE OF WELLINGTON, September 23, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 132, 133. CHAP. XIV. interests were so dependent, excited scarcely any attention, the nation was convulsed from one end to the other, and prepared to make considerable sacrifices to attain the 1814. discontinuance of the slave trade in a few foreign West Indian islands! There was not a vestige of the selfish feelings in this passion; on the contrary, they would have prompted a directly opposite course of conduct; for the belief at that time was universal among the abolitionists that free labour was more profitable than slave, and that in forcing the former on the French colonists, they were only increasing the resources of their own commercial rivals. 18. question pied Congress. In this divided and diverging state of general opinions in the Governments and nations interested in the arrange- Preliminary ments of the Congress, there was little chance that they which occuwould arrive, without great difficulty, at a harmonious Pets opinion. It was soon apparent that the jealousy and apprehension entertained by the other Powers of "les quatre" had little foundation. The divisions of themselves were greater than those with which they were beset from others. The first question upon which a serious division took place, previous to the meeting of the Congress for the despatch of general business, was the one, "What Powers were to be admitted to a deliberative vote in the proceedings?" It was generally expected by the representatives of the other States that Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Great Britain, the parties to the still pending treaty of Chaumont, would alone be admitted. M. Talleyrand, in the outset, presented a note, in which he contended that as peace was now happily re-established between the whole Powers, and the object of the Congress was to establish such arrangements as might promote the continuance of that blessing, the wishes and interests of all should be consulted; and, in consequence, that other Powers, in particular France, Spain, Portugal, and Sweden, should be admitted. Contrary to expectation, Lord Castlereagh |