CHAP. 1814. of France to be rendered complete. He was a true proXIV. phet in one sense, and yet matters turned out differently in another. War did break out, and he was engaged in it; but it was not against the Prussians, but the French; 462; Thiers, and the troops which he combated at Waterloo were those then put on the war footing to resist the dreaded encroachments of the northern Powers.1* Hard. xii. xviii. 496, 497. 36. or of Russia gree modi fies his Poland and Notwithstanding all his determination to hold by Poland The Emper- for himself, and secure Saxony for Prussia, the Czar was in some de- somewhat moved by the threatened combination of Austria, Bavaria, and France, against Russia and Prussia, the more especially as, from the declared hostility of Lord Castlereagh to the Polish project, and the entire spoliation of the King of Saxony, it was more than doubtful what part Great Britain might take in such an emergency. Prince Hardenberg, who entirely shared these apprehensions, accordingly prevailed on the Emperor to issue a declaration to the effect that in "re-establishing Poland under the Russian sceptre he had originally intended to have incorporated the towns of Thorn and Cracow with his empire, but that, in deference to the fears expressed in Germany at such a measure, he had agreed to renounce it, on condition that those two towns should enjoy the same independence as the Hanse towns under the protection of the Allies; and on the further condition that Prussia should obtain Saxony entire, and that Mayence should become a fortress of the German confederacy." To give additional currency to this declaration, Hardenberg agreed that the fortifications of Thorn and of Dantzic should be destroyed, and the constitution of the new kingdom of Poland established on a solid foundation. Under these restrictions he contended that the acquisition of the whole of Saxony by Prussia would * "Since I closed my letter to you of this morning, I have seen a person who has seen a letter from La Bernardière to one of his friends, in which La Bernardière states his opinion, that all that can be done at Vienna is to keep the ministers now at Congress assembled and in discussion a sufficient length of time to enable France to prepare for the war which must be the result of the Congress.”— DUKE OF WELLINGTON to LORD CASTLEREAGH, September 27, 1814; Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 137. CHAP. XIV. 1814. not be a greater accession of territory than Holland was receiving by the annexation of Belgium; Austria by Lombardy and the Tyrol; and Russia by the Grand-duchy of Warsaw. As to the King of Saxony, he proposed to give him a compensation by the principalities of Munster and Paderborn, where the dispossessed monarch might reign with the title of King. These proposals were submitted to Metternich on the 8th December, and he announced Dec. 8. on the 10th, that the annexation of the whole of Saxony Dec. 10. to Prussia was inconsistent with the principles of his Government; that it compromised its Bohemian frontier, and might give rise to dangerous intrigues on the part of France; that the losses of Prussia were adequately compensated by a portion of the Grand-duchy of Warsaw, Lower Lusatia, the district of Wittenberg, and some others, without their being withdrawn from the German Confederacy. To this answer, Bavaria, Wirtemberg, Hanover, and 1 Metternich all the lesser states of Germany acceded by a solemn act, berg, Dec. fraught to all appearance with the gravest consequences; Hard.. for Prussia, supported by Russia, persisted in the demand 464, 465; for the whole of Saxony, and England and France were 503-507. cordially ranged on the side of Austria in the dispute.1 to Harden 10, 1814; Thiers,xviii. terview of and Talley Previous to this, in the end of October, just before 37. the formal opening of the Congress, on finding matters Stormy inbecoming very serious, the Emperor Alexander had re- Alexander quested, and immediately obtained, a second interview rand. with M. de Talleyrand. He was much more courteous and gracious on this than on the former occasion, "I found you at Paris," said the Czar, "entirely in favour Hardenberg's proposal for the King of Saxony was :-" De lui céder les principautés de Munster et de Paderborn où Frederic Auguste regnerait avec le titre de Roi, qui, après lui, serait remplacé par celui de Grand-duc pour faire disparaître toute inquiétude de la part d'Autriche. Le Roi de Prusse engagerait à ne point fortifier Dresde et à céder à sa Majesté Imperiale le district de Ratibor dans la Haute Silesie, presque tous ceux de Pled et de Leobschutz, ainsi qu'un canton de la principauté de Neiss. Quant à Mayence, la Bavière ayant été trop richement pourvue par Anspach et Bayreuth (sacrifices qui coutait tant de regrets à la Prusse) pour oser prétendre à la possession de cette ville il entrait dans les vues de l'Empereur Alexandre de l'assigner au Grand-duc de HesseDarmstadt en confiant sa défense aux Alliés."-HARDENBERG, xii. 464, 465. CHAP. 1814. of the restoration of Poland." Assuredly, Sire," reXIV. plied the diplomatist, "I and all the French would have seen with joy the restoration of Poland; but it is not ancient Poland which we would see rise from its ashes. That of which there is now a question is a very different thing, and one in which we have only a remote and inconsiderable interest. It is for the German Princes to say whether they wish to see Russia brought down to the Oder. We, as defenders of the public rights of Europe, are only concerned in securing the preservation of Saxony." At these words the Emperor lost all command of himself. "Public rights, indeed! vain words; words which every one makes use of to serve his own convenience. I am not to be deceived by them. There is no junction here either of principles or rights, but of interest, which every one understands after his own fashion. I have promised Saxony to Frederick William, and I shall keep my word. I hold more by it than by those pretended treaties, which are only a cover for lies. The King of Saxony is a traitor, who has deserted the cause of Europe. If he was served right, he would go to expiate his offence in Russia. He would not be the first Saxon prince who has in that manner expiated his pretensions to Poland." "The word traitor," replied Talleyrand, "is one which can never be applied to a sovereign who can only be in the condition of a conquered party, and should never find a place in a mouth so august as that of your Majesty. Public right is a real, sacred thing, which constitutes the great distinction between civilised and barbarous nations; and I trust your Majesty will reflect seriously before you outrage the unanimous feelings of Europe." 'As to that," answered Alexander, Austria and England have abandoned Saxony, and my friend Frederick William will be King of Prussia and Saxony, as I myself Emperor of Russia and King of Poland." "I doubt it," replied Talleyrand; "nothing is less certain than the consent of England and Austria 66 XIV. to such an arrangement." "To cut the matter short," CHAP. answered Alexander, "you have elsewhere interests which you have much at heart.* My acquiescence in the wishes 1814. of France will depend on her acquiescence in mine." "France," rejoined Talleyrand, "has no favour to ask. She appeals only to principles." They parted mutually1 Thiers, irritated, and having made no advance towards a better 513. understanding.1 xviii. 511 ternich. Finding France thus resolute, Alexander had recourse 38. to Austria, and requested an interview with M. de Met-And with ternich, who immediately waited upon him. The Prussian M. de Metminister had previously communicated the answer of M. de Metternich to the last proposals of the Cabinet of Berlin, which revealed a desire to isolate Russia by means of concessions which should appease Prussia. Alexander commenced the conference by his usual remarks on the iniquity of the partition of Poland, and the necessity of making a shining reparation, which Russia alone could do by reason of the extent of its Polish possessions. "Austria," replied Metternich, "has already in her possession a considerable part of the old Polish territory; and she would as willingly as any other Power undertake a restoration which is to cost so little to the repairing Power." violently irritated. At these words the Czar became "The remark," said he, "is false and improper; and you are probably the only man in Austria who would venture to address Russia in such terms of revolt." "If such are to be the terms on which the Cabinets are hereafter to be," replied Metternich, “I have only to request the Emperor, my master, to send another representative of Austria to the Congress." The Thiers, conference then broke up, with even warmer feelings of mu- 513. tual exasperation than the one with Talleyrand had done.2 When such were the terms on which the leading characters at the Congress were conversing, it was obviously only a question of time, and that too a very short one, * Alluding to Murat and Napoleon. 2 xviii. 512, CHAP. when it was to be dissolved, and a bloody war was to XIV. break out between the once Allied Powers. The account 1814. of this stormy interview was soon bruited abroad in Progress of Vienna, and produced an immense sensation. "What 39. the two Emperors in and formal opening of the Congress. have we gained," it was said, "by having emancipated ourHungary, selves from the yoke of Napoleon, if it was only to fall under another not less imperious and oppressive, and not relieved, like the former, by the prodigious ascendant which genius had acquired in the last domination? On the day following the two Emperors set out on a visit to Ofen (Buda) in Hungary, during which Francis, who was the host on the occasion, lavished the most delicate attentions on the Czar. But it was all in vain; the estrangement was irreconcilable and visible. Interests too vital were at stake to be reconciled by the most studied courtesy of manner. The Czar gave token of the impending danger, and of his secret designs, by lavishing the most flattering attentions on the Hungarian and Greek chiefs whom he met during his progress through Hungary-attentions which too clearly bespoke the design of coercing Austria by the threat of erecting a Greco-Sclavonic empire on its ruins. Meanwhile, at Vienna, the Congress had formally met for the transaction of business on the 1st November. Though assembled and busily negotiating ever since the 25th September, it was then only that it was in name constituted. Its first act was to nominate committees to draw up reports for the final decision, on all important questions, of the eight Powers' signatories of the treaty of Paris, who composed it. These were for the general affairs of Northern Europe, the representatives of Russia, Prussia, Austria, England, and France; for those of Italy-Russia, Austria, England, France, and Spain; for Germany-Austria, Prussia, xviii. 514- Bavaria, Wirtemberg, and Hanover; for Poland—Austria, grès de Vi- Russia, and Prussia, under the mediation of England; for Switzerland-Russia, Austria, England, and France;1 for the navigation of the Rhine-Prussia, Austria, England, 1 Thiers, 520; Con enne, i. 248 252. |