of doing so, and thus would be taken at a disadvantage; CHAP. XIV. that some years would be requisite to obtain an adequate supply of slave labour, and then the abolition of the slave 1814. trade might be proposed with some degree of equality. Numerous conferences on the subject took place, in most of which Lord Castlereagh stood alone; and at length he was compelled to content himself with an engagement Thiers, to abolish the trade, by France in five, and by Spain and 614. Portugal in eight years.1 xviii. 613, 68. of the Congress on the subject. "Lord Castlereagh would have wished more, but no one would listen to him. As to the reciprocal right of visit, Resolution it encountered universal resistance. It was met by the principle that during peace every nation had a right to regulate its own vessels according to its inclination, and that the hazardous and invidious right of search arose only during war, when it was required to detect goods, contraband of war, surreptitiously introduced under neutral flags. As to the proposal that the colonial produce of such nations as would not agree to such a right of search, should be excluded or heavily taxed, it was observed that such a restriction might be suitable for the time when the slave trade was universally proscribed, but that it would be premature to introduce it at a time when the trade was to be formally permitted to certain nations by express treaty. The other Powers all concurred in these views, and Castlereagh, wishing to have something specious to present to the British Parliament on the subject, was compelled to content himself with a declara- xviii. 614; tion from the Congress, condemning the slave trade as Feb., in a crime against civilisation and humanity, and express- xxxii. 200. ing a unanimous wish for its speedy abolition.' 2 Thiers, Decl. of 8th Parl. Deb., 69. lation of the Another subject, interesting in a very high degree to the Continental nations, and especially Germany, met Wise reguwith a more cordial reception, and was resolved in a more Congress satisfactory manner by the Congress. This was the free regarding navigation of great rivers. These great highways, provided tion of by the wisdom of Nature for the use and convenience of free naviga rivers. XIV. CHAP. man, and the cheapest mode of communication among nations, had been deprived in Central Europe of nearly their whole utility, by the prohibitions or heavy duties which the different sovereigns through whose territories they flowed had established, in regard to merchandise passing by them, for the encouragement of their own manufactures, or the purpose of raising a revenue by their transit for themselves. In this way the Danube, the Rhine, the Elbe, the Weser, and the Oder, had become so beset with toll-bars, erected by the different states through whose territories they passed, that for all the purposes of internal navigation or commerce, they Lad become nearly useless. So generally had this evil been felt, that in the beginning of the Congress a comminee was appointed for the purpose of fixing certain principles for the navigation of rivers; and it discharged has duties with fidelity and justice. It was provided that the navigation of all rivers capable of bearing vessels should be free; that the sovereigns of their banks might interdict or load with duties the landing of any goods they chose on their shores, but could not stop or interfere with their passage along to other states; that the only duties they were entitled to exact, were moderate tonnage dzes irrespective of the value of the cargoes; and that in consideration of these dues they should be bound to make and uphold good towing paths. These just and equiale principles were solemnly embodied in a formal act, elvira i cne of the noblest monuments of the Congress, and ke the Code Napoleon, will, from its intrinsic merits, LES MERE to form the common law of nations in this particular, after the authority of the Powers which introBaced it has passed away.' The Congress of Vienna had now concluded its labours, and soccerplished its vast undertaking. The chief actors or the stage were preparing to take their departure from the Austrian capital; that of the Emperor Alexander was trai ater several adjournments, for the 20th Feb CHAP. XIV. 1815. 70. reagh leaves and returns ruary 1815; that of Lord Castlereagh for the 15th of the same month. The British Cabinet, though reluctant to remove him from the theatre of his important exertions, felt too strongly the need of his tutelary arm to shield Lord Castlethem in the House of Commons, to be able to dispense the Congress any longer with his services in Parliament. Already in of Vienna, the middle of January Lord Liverpool and the Duke of to England Wellington had written to him, urging his return before Parliament. the meeting of the House of Commons in the beginning 1815. of February, alleging as a reason that Government had lost ground sensibly during the short session which had sat before Christmas, and that they absolutely required presence when it again assembled on 9th February. his "I must inform you that it is absolutely necessary that you should be here as soon as possible after the meeting of Parliament. This is the unanimous opinion of all my colleagues, and of those members of the House of Commons whom we are in the habit of consulting on such matters. You can have no idea how much ground the Government lost in the House of Commons, in the short session before Christmas; and the unfortunate circumstance in our present situation is this-that the debates of most importance which are likely to occur during the session, must take place before the beginning of April. The questions of contest will be those of finance, and the political questions will principally be discussed and brought in as auxiliaries. We do not find that the American peace has in any degree relieved our embarrassOur financial difficulties, however they might have afterwards increased, would not have pressed upon us more severely during the present year, if the American war had continued, than they do now. We shall now be placed in the situation of contending for what will be called a war expenditure in time of peace; and that under the circumstances of a general cry raised amongst all classes of people on the subject of the property tax, and of a deep alarm prevailing amongst the landed interest, in consequence of the great and unexpected fall in the prices of every description of grain. ments. "I can assure you that I feel, in common with my colleagues, the greatest reluctance in proposing to you to withdraw at this moment from Vienna. Last year we could spare you: everything was quiet in Parliament-everybody waiting for the result—and no symptom of party-spirit appeared. Now, very few persons give themselves any concern about what is passing at Vienna, except in as far as it is connected with expense; and I never have seen more party animosity than was manifested in November, and, I understand, still appears at the Clubs and in private societies."-LORD LIVERPOOL to LORD CASTLEREAGH, January 16, 1815; Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 240, 241. "We shall want you on the 9th February, or a few days after. The discussions relative to the Property Tax and the Bank Restriction must come on immediately. The consideration of the Corn Laws cannot be long deferred, and, I have no doubt, will be mooted before the Houses have been assembled a week. Ground once lost by Government on questions of their importance in public opinion is not easily recovered. It is of importance that the first impression should be favourable, and should inspire confidence. Our friends to meet Jan. 16, XIV. 1815. CHAP. These two great statesmen both complained bitterly of the factious spirit which was getting up in Parliament, and the violent opposition which was arising against the Government, which had brought the war to a successful termination, now that the anxieties and suspense of it was over. In truth, however, a more general cause was coming into operation than either of these leaders were aware, of, and the violent party spirit of which they complained in the House of Commons was only, as is generally the case, the reflex of its action on the country. This cause was the rapid diminution of expenditure by Government, in consequence of the termination of the war, and the still more rapid contraction of the currency from the impending resumption of cash payments by the Bank of England, which by the existing law was to take place in six months after a general peace. These causes of paramount importance were the real reason of all the subsequent difficulties which beset the career both of Lord Castlereagh and Sir Charles Stewart. And thus, at the very moment when they were bringing the external difficulties of the country to a glorious termination, a new set of embarrassments, arising out of social causes, were rising into operation, which occasioned embarrassments not less serious, and had the effect ultimately of bringing the elder of the two brothers to an untimely 71. grave. Lord Castlereagh was succeeded, as representative of Arrival of Great Britain at the Congress, by the Duke of Wellington, at Vienna. While Sir Charles Stewart remained at his post at Vienna, Feb. 3. and daily informed his brother of what was going forward Wellington at the great diplomatic headquarters. The arrival of the en première ligne, in the House of Commons, have proved themselves not equal to the burden. Those en seconde ligne might do-viz., Manners, Sutton, Robinson, and Peel; but they cannot well come forward, except upon business connected with their own departments, unless they have a leader to whom they can look up. I am sorry to say Robinson was very idle, scarcely opened his mouth; the others have gained great credit, particularly Peel."--LORD LIVERPOOL to LORD CASTLEREAGH, January 12, 1815; Castlereagh Correspond cnce, x. 239. CHAP. 1815. renowned British commander at the Austrian capital was of great service to France from the mode in which he expressed himself in regard to its ruling sovereign. "No sooner," says M. Thiers, "did the Duke of Wellington arrive in Vienna than he rendered real service to Louis XVIII. by the way in which he spoke of him and of his Government. They have committed many faults,' said he, 'at Paris; but the King, more wise than his family, is generally esteemed. The army is more formidable than ever. Dangerous if employed within, it would be without faithful and terrible. The finances are re-established, and even flourishing. What is wanting is a Government: there are ministers, but not a ministry. But that defect may be supplied. Take it all in all, France is one of the European Powers the best prepared for war; and it would be less embarrassed than any of us if it were necessary to recommence it. You may reckon much and securely on her.' These words," continues M. Thiers, "were more useful to us than the whole efforts of the French embassy; and being repeatedly urged at the time when the Russian and Thiers, Prussian diplomatists had to come to a final decision, they 610. exercised a singular influence." 1 xviii. 609, sion, which declaration against him. The only one of the European questions which was not 72. substantially settled when Lord Castlereagh left Vienna, Murat's abwas that of the King of Naples, as to which he deemed the rupt deci decision too momentous to take it upon himself, without the causes a direct authority of his Government. Louis XVIII., with of war whom he had a long interview on his way through Paris, returning to London, strongly impressed upon him the extreme danger of allowing that scheming adventurer to remain on the throne so near Buonaparte, in the agitated state of France and Italy; and the Duke of Wellington, before he left Vienna, had emphatically enforced the same opinion. The difficulty, as already noticed, was, that the Emperor Alexander, actuated by a chivalrous sense of honour, insisted that the whole provisions of the treaty of the 11th April 1814 should be carried out regarding him as well |