XIV. French nation is now reduced to silence by the bayonet. CHAP. At any rate, whatever difference of opinion there may be on the great question, whether it would be more prudent 1815. to allow the power which at this moment governs France to subsist, or to stifle it in its birth, it is evidently a subject, to continue to employ his efforts in behalf of France. He did this after he had been placed in circumstances where he might with ease have withdrawn himself from among the supporters of Buonaparte, if he had not thought that perseverance in the cause of the man who had given him his crown was the best mode of preserving his dominions. Saxony was a conquered country in the strictest sense of the word; and although it is true that the Saxon army did, on the third day of the battle of Leipsic, join the Allies, and perhaps decided the victory, yet until that moment, when the troops acted for themselves, the whole resources of the country had been employed against the common cause of Germany. "But although the annexation of the whole of Saxony to Prussia would have been perfectly justifiable, it was a different question whether that entire annexation was necessary for the restoration of Prussia, or in itself expedient or becoming. Now, as there was ground to presume that Prussia could be reinstated without the sacrifice at least of the whole of Saxony, I was strongly of opinion that to push the abstract right of conquest to extremity against Saxony, would be doing mischief to Prussia, instead of promoting her ultimate and permanent advantage. I thought that the general opinion of mankind would have revolted at such a proceeding, and that Prussia would be injured in the general estimation of Europe by being the principal gainer by such an act. She had made, it is true, unexampled efforts in the general cause, and deserved a reward; but not such as amounted to the total absorption of a neighbouring power. The proclamation of Prince Repnin, saying that he took possession of the whole of Saxony as for the King of Prussia, was indeed known to me; but I understood, as did the Austrian minister, that it was a provisional occupation only which was intended. The first knowledge I obtained on the subject was conveyed in a copy of the proclamation sent from the neighbourhood of Dresden. I lost no time in carrying it to the Prussian minister, and from him to the minister of the Emperor of Russia. The former assured me he had neither seen nor heard of it till that moment; the latter was equally uninformed regarding it; and they concurred in opinion that the proceeding was wholly unauthorised. Indeed I afterwards received in writing a distinct and formal declaration to that effect from the Prussian minister, Prince Hardenberg. "With respect to Poland, I am sure the House will be gratified to learn that the situation of its brave people will be considerably ameliorated by the new arrangements. There was undoubtedly a strong feeling in the country upon the subject of independence and a separate government; and as far as I was able 1 exerted myself to attain that object. This, however, was not the wish of all. It was found to be inconsistent with the views of several of the great Powers of Europe, and, of course, such a project could not be carried into execution without complete and general consent. I may venture to say, however, that in the Congress there is but one feeling, that the whole country, as Poland, should be governed under one system. Whatever may be the general arrangements agreed on, I have reason to believe that the principle of the government in general will be far more congenial with the feelings and CHAP. duty of the utmost necessity to take measures of precaution." XIV. 1815. 1 Parl. Deb. Upon the taking of Paris, and the commencement of negotiations for a renewed treaty of peace with the reMater stored Bourbon family, Lord Castlereagh returned to Paris, Cast Cor. i. in order to conduct in person the important negotiations then pending for the settlement of the affairs of Europe, April 24; wishes of the Poles than when they were placed under different masters from those to whom they will in future be considered to belong. The nation will be relieved from those local difficulties which attached even to their principal duties and avocations, and upon the whole will be ruled in a spirit of liberality befitting the feelings of the times. That portion which will form the Duchy of Warsaw will be under the sceptre of a different prince, and a system estabFished, according to which the people shall be governed as Poles, with the rights and privileges which ought to belong to them. In supporting the views and objects with which I was specially intrusted, as more immediately affecting the interests of Great Britain, I felt throughout that I was not called on to uphold separate views or projects, but that in all such points our Allies were equally concerned, and that, in truth, our own welfare and theirs were so intimately connected, that they could not be separated. I have particularly in view in these observations the case of Holland. It was certainly important that France should not possess undivided that continuity of naval means and resources afforded by the extensive line of coast over which she had the sole control, from the Texel to the Pyrenees. I felt that if, at any time, we were to enter into a new struggle with France, we should contend at a very great disadvantage with the very extensive means and resources which she would then possess, and which might be rendered most injurious to our navy. If a division of these resources was important to ourselves, it was of not less importance to the other Powers of Europe, that a balance of the naval advantages in each country should be kept up, and that France should not be allowed to retain those facilities for gaining a naval preponderance, which such a line of coast unbroken and undivided would afford. In discussing this point, I am certain that all felt that I was not contending for any separate interests of Great Britain; and that in acceding to the junction of Belgium and Holland, they were giving their approbation to a great, if not the greatest improvement, in the general system of Europe effected in modern times. It was by no means a concession to the Prince of Orange, or to Great Britain, which was intended. It was a principle of policy to which, from the first moment of its mention, they listened willingly, and in which they agreed to co-operate cheerfully and cordially. They held it to be an object of equal concern to them all, that the territories formerly belonging to Austria in the Netherlands should be annexed to Holland. From the first, they regarded such a measure necessary in the future construction of Europe, as a means of increasing the strength of Holland, and giving her a weight in the Continental scale, to which she was entitled, but had hitherto not enjoyed. By this determination the Prince of Orange will possess territories equalled by few, and surpassed by none, in Europe, for facilities in regard to industry, wealth, and commerce, or the high character in war which its inhabitants have always enjoyed. The people of the Netherlands will now become a nation of great importance in the balance of power, and have great weight XIV. 1815. 86. so cruelly unhinged by the return of Napoleon and over- CHAP. throw of Louis XVIII. He arrived in the French capital on the 7th July, and one of his first aims was to restrain the indignation of Blucher and rapacity of the Prussians, Return of who threatened to lay on Paris a contribution of Lord Castle110,000,000 francs (£4,500,000), besides insisting on Paris, equipments for 110,000 men, and were beginning to mine reagh to July 7. when properly called out. The sovereigns of Europe have a high opinion of the Prince of Orange, and feel that no monarch in Europe has displayed greater perseverance in his arduous duties, or more liberality towards his subjects. They all hope that his country, now so strong by nature and art, will at all times be capable of opposing an effectual resistance, at least till the arrival of such aid as the natural interest of the Powers would urge them to supply. Hanover and her fate were not at first so much connected with this country as they might have been; but the augmentation of territory which, by the recent negotiations she has received, has contributed to render her connection with Great Britain more permanent and less costly, by giving her more extensive means of internal defence and resistance. Placed in juxtaposition with Holland, having a line of territory adjoining for a distance of 150 miles, and including the port of Embden in her new possessions, there can be no doubt that these circumstances will give her increased security and importance. "As to Norway, the Congress saw no cause to alter the arrangement already made as to its annexation to Sweden. This, as the House well knew, was part of the treaty between Alexander and the Crown Prince of Sweden, entered into at Abo in September 1812, and by which Russia, at the time of its greatest need, obtained that assistance by being enabled to withdraw its troops from Finland, without which it must have sunk in the conflict. The Emperor Alexander, with the scrupulous fidelity to his engagements which forms so honourable a feature in his character, considers his honour pledged to that arrangement; and by treaty with the Crown Prince, Great Britain is not less bound by it. It is true the Crown Prince has not shown that alacrity in following up the war which might have been desired, but that was not by the Powers chiefly concerned deemed a sufficient ground for departing from this obligation. Nor are political considerations of great weight wanting to recommend and justify the same course. Denmark had taken her part throughout the conflict so decidedly with France that it could not with reason complain if it underwent the fate of its ally; and it will not escape observation that Great Britain had a remote, but what might prove very material interest, in the new arrangement. Denmark, from its geographical position, was necessarily in the general case under the influence of Russia; and therefore it was very material for the naval interests of England that Sweden should, as much as possible, be rendered independent, and both shores of the Sound hindered from falling under the same power. This would inevitably be the result of Sweden and Norway remaining separate, and the latter forming part of the Danish dominions. "With respect to Spain, and the negotiations with that Power, now so unhappily engaged in a mortal struggle with her colonies, I positively deny that there has been evinced the slightest intention to infringe that neutrality which we have observed, and are bound to maintain, between Spain and her revolted CHAP. XIV. 1815. 87. the bridge of Jena in order to blow it up. Lord Castlereagh lost not a moment in concerting measures with the Duke of Wellington to prevent this irreparable act of severity.* A very important duty devolved on the diplomatists Lord Castle- who were charged with conducting the negotiations in reagh's Paris, after the battle of Waterloo, and that was the adjudication on the numerous claims for restitution of the of the works works of art plundered by the Revolutionary and Imperial armies during the many years that they were engaged in the conquest of the European monarchies. Had the Allies been actuated by the rapacious spirit of the conquering French democracy, they would have made short work of effect the restoration of art from Paris. South American colonies. The whole of his Majesty's Cabinet feel that it is their duty to use the whole force of Government to keep up that neutrality, and to prevent this country being rendered the channel for the transmission of arms to the insurgent colonies. We feel it to be a paramount duty to abstain from any act which may directly or indirectly impair the Spanish monarchy. By such conduct we should be setting ourselves up as judges between sovereigns and subjects, when in truth we have no right whatever to interfere one way or another between them. Whatever may be the result of that contest, and whatever the wishes of the honourable gentleman opposite for the independence of the South Americans, the House I am persuaded must be sensible that instead of interfering on either side, it is much better to allow a sovereign and his subjects to settle their own differences, and arrange their own affairs. Be the value of the honourable member's remarks on this subject what it may, never shall I respect opinions given for the encouragement of subjects in rebellion against their lawful sovereign; and I never shall hear them without thinking that the person delivering them travels far beyond that which, as a good subject, he owes to his sovereign." The House agreed to an address approving of the treaty without a division.—Parliamentary Debates, xxx. 292-303, and Castlereagh Correspondence, i. 24-56. * "The immediate difficulty is now to keep Blucher and the Prussians within any bounds towards this town. They have notified to the Duke to-day that they had laid on the city of Paris a contribution of 110,000,000 francs, and equipments for 110,000 men; and they are at this moment mining the bridge of Jena with the view of blowing it up. The Duke has written to urge them at least to suspend all measures of this nature till the arrival of the sovereigns; and we propose to-morrow morning to pay the Marshal a visit at St Cloud together, to stop if possible these measures of arbitrary and unconcerted severity. The King sent for the Duke and me this evening to the Tuileries, principally on this point. We found him in a state of great emotion and exultation at the reception he had met with from his subjects, which appears to have been even more animated than on his former entrance. Indeed, during the long audience to which we were admitted, it was almost impossible to converse, so loud were the shouts of the people in the Tuileries gardens, which were full of people though it was then dark."-LORD CASTLEREAGH to LORD LIVERPOOL, July 8, 1815 Castlereagh Correspondence, x. 419, 420. XIV. 1815 all these questions by simply demanding restitution of CHAP. them all, and at the same time exacting the surrender of the finest works of art belonging to France itself, to adorn the galleries of England and Prussia, who had achieved the conquest of the Great Nation. But such a course would have been abhorrent to the principles on which they had conducted the contest, which were not to imitate the bad example of their opponents, but to restore things to their former situation, so far as consistent with due security against the repetition of such disasters in future times. Lord Castlereagh, accordingly, warmly supported the restitution of the works of art to the states from which they had been reft, but he was equally resolute to make no further demand upon the French, and allow their own works to remain undisturbed in their vanquished capital. The Duke of Wellington strongly supported the same views, and it was in consequence determined to make the restitution complete, but not to extend it to any spoliation of the French monuments of art themselves. This determination led to a general lodging of claims against the French Government for restitution of objects of vertu which had been carried off, or repayment of contributions levied and exactions made, during the years when the French armies were conquering Europe. Their amount, if not authenticated by official documents, would exceed belief. From the Castlereagh Correspondence it appears that the amount thus robbed and carried off by the French armies before the treaty of Campo-Formio, in 1798, amounted to 9,126,684,581 francs, or £366,000,000 sterling! As this was before the campaigns of Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena, Wagram, and the Spanish Peninsula, so prolific in plunder, it may reasonably be concluded that this sum, great as it is, was not more than a third of what was extracted from Europe by the French armies during the Revolutionary wars! In other words, the plunder realised by the French Emperor, marshals, generals, and soldiers, beyond all doubt in twenty years exceeded a thousand millions sterling-a sum, from |