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of them all, "new-born Russia"? Far more impressive than any "military promenade" was the coming of these men of other countries now bound to us as never before by the strongest ties of friendship mon endurance for a common cause. Far more appealing to the heart of the every-day American than any political demonstration was Marconi's visit and advice to the women students of wireless telegraphy, working hard to relieve men for the front. Far more clinching to our new realization of our world citizenship was Viscount Ishii's eloquent signaling of the meeting of East and West when he said at Washington's tomb:

"Washington was an American, but America, great as she is, powerful as she is, certain as she is of her splendid destiny, can lay no exclusive claim to this immortal name. Washington is now a citizen of the world; to-day he belongs to all mankind. And so men come here from the ends of the earth to honor his memory and to reiterate their faith in the principles to which his great life was devoted."

We have not lost our national hero in sharing him with the world. It is the fair exchange that is no robbery, for he is always ours and we gain richly in claiming as our own the heroes daily new-created out of the stress of our brothers' anguish.

"We shall greatly lessen the possibility of perpetuating in the domain of commerce the bitterness and hatred engendered by the war if we refuse to be drawn into any convention, agreement, or understanding that would make us parties to a boycott of the commerce of any of the nations now arrayed against each other. To meet any attempted discrimination against the exports of the United States we shall be free to choose our own weapons and to invoke the aid of our own government. But the American people will be prompt to recognize the fact that the poverty of Europe cannot contribute to their welfare any more than the misfortunes of their commercial and industrial rivals can promote the prosperity of their foreign trade. I see no reason to doubt that they will prepare to do their part in laying the foundations of a permanent peace on the firm basis of mutual respect and even-handed impartiality and fairness in the dealings of commerce.

But

I cannot help thinking that, above and beyond the bearing of our domestic policy on the outlook for our foreign trade, we must set ourselves to grasp the larger and more vital principles of international cooperation. It is a debatable question whether the United States can become a member of an international league of peace for the prevention of further war, but it is not at all doubtful that we can render an invaluable

service to the establishment of lasting concord among the peoples of the earth by setting our face against anything that looks to the perpetuation of commercial war in peace."-James H. Farrell, President United States Steel Corporation.

A careful study of the budgets of the belligerent powers, in the Fortnightly Review, of London, arrives at the estimate that their total war expenditure, up to this present autumn, will have been $100,000,000,000. In August figures made public by the Treasury Department made the current rate of cost to the United States 24 millions every 24 hours.

The Drama League of America offers prizes of $500, $250 and $100 for the three best patriotic plays suitable for performance by amateurs. The Bureau of Education will cooperate in bringing the winning plays to the attention of the schools throughout the country.

Professor "Pat, what is your solution to the World Problem?"

Pat-"Well, sor, I think we should have a World Democracy-with an Irishman for king!"-N. Y. Life.

By SAMUEL T. DUTTON

General Secretary of the World's Court League

FOR once America is reaching out

her strong arms to aid in the world's redemption. The President in several declarations of remarkable prescience and clearness has stated our position and our purpose. We have gone into the war and there is to be no turning back. We are throwing into the balance all our wealth and the lives of thousands of our young men. Soon our ears will be listening and our eyes will be watching for news from the battle front. Each morning our cry as of old will be, Watchman, what of the night? Thus a great peace-loving nation is girding itself for the mighty conflict, believing that only so can the world's peace be attained and justice be established upon the earth.

The World's Court League is in harmony with this belief and wishes to throw its influence in favor of forcing a conclusion at all hazards. Its great objective, however, is the constructive work to be done after the war when real statesmen, inspired by the grandeur and solemnity of the opportunity, shall undertake to write a charter for the world's freedom.

As its name implies, our league seeks the establishment of a court of nations and such subsidiary institutions as the wisdom of men can devise for preventing war and for insuring security, contentment and prosperity to the whole world. The league is organizing a strong group of international men under the presidency of Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler who will watch carefully all

the steps taken by an international conference to see that all agreements shall be honest, just and farsighted. There will be sufficient potential weight and influence in this council to constitute a strong, dignified and effective agency. It is likely that some of the men who have accepted positions on the council will themselves be members of an international conference. The one thing to be emphasized is that the interests at stake are so vast that it is worth while for any man who counts himself a citizen of the world and who has the international outlook, to seek the opportunity of throwing his influence in favor of a new and better world organization. In beginning a new academic year the officers of the League invoke the cordial support of American citizens in this great undertaking. The League does not and will not require large sums of money. The officers are practically giving their services as a contribution to the

great ends involved. The League should have as soon as possible several thousand new members and we ask the aid of our present membership in securing new recruits.

No one knows when or how long the war will last. The end may come quickly. Already the Central Powers, while gaining at some points, are being shattered at others. It is well to push forward all plans for a new internationalism and The World's Court League is ready to join hands with other leagues and with other forces having the same end in view.

Been, Is, and May Be

THE

By CHARLES H. LEVERMORE

Corresponding Secretary of The World's Court League, Inc.

HE tap-root of the Monroe Doctrine lies in the idea of the independence of the United States, of independence as contrasted with colonial dependence. Until our independence was won, the two Americas were politically, like modern Africa, fringes upon the imperial robes of Europe.

When England lost her thirteen colonies, the doctrine-"America for the Americans"-began its long course of unbroken triumph. The chief defense of that earliest independence was geographical isolation. Naturally, therefore, the first and simplest phase of the Monroe Doctrine induced a belief that the geographical isolation of America was but the physical symbol of a desirable political and social isolation.

In the year in which England acknowledged our independence, an exgovernor of Massachusetts, Thomas Pownal, wrote of the "Empire of the United States":

"As nature hath separated her from Europe, and hath established her alone (as a Sovereign) on a great Continent, far removed from the Old World and all its embroiled interests, it is contrary to the nature of her existence, and consequently to her interest, that she should have any connections of Politics with Europe other than merely commercial.”

Nevertheless three years earlier, the same Pownal had prophesied that

America, having become the mistress of her own fortune, would not only "establish her own system," but would also "change the system of Europe."*

In these two utterances Pownal threw a searchlight upon the two ideas which have always either contended or cooperated in the formulas of our foreign policies, the idea of our independent isolation and the idea of the inevitable world-wide dynamic importance of our political philosophy and example.

These ideas, not always consistent with each other, have been more or less successfully blent in the various expressions of the Monroe Doctrine, and its shifting phases have been partly due to the fluctuating ratios of predominance, sometimes of the one and sometimes of the other idea. ISOLATION OF AMERICA

At the outset, of course, the idea of isolation was emphasized.

Hamilton, writing in the Federalist, conceived the hope that we might become erelong the "Arbiter of Europe in America," but John Adams said that neither America nor Europe should "meddle" with each other.

Washington, navigating our coc

* Hart. American History told by Contemporaries, III, 76, 285.

kle-shell of a ship of State upon the tempestuous waters of the French revolutionary epoch, voiced his conviction of the necessity of our isolation in words that have lingered long in the minds and memories of our statesmen and of our people.

His Farewell Address, written in the first instance by Hamilton, defined "our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world."

This phrase sank deep into the popular consciousness. Not so often remembered was an almost adjacent sentence: "Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies."

But another paragraph renewed and amplified Hamilton's former vision of his country as an Arbiter in America:

"If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war as our interests, guided by justice, shall counsel."

No American statesman was more insistent upon the blessings and necessity of isolation than Thomas Jefferson. The great policy of expansion which he inaugurated was a logical deduction from an isolation that could brook no powerful neighbors. To illuminate that necessity, the great events of the second decade

of the nineteenth century powerfully contributed. The better understanding with England after the war of 1812, the revolt of the Spanish colonies, the autocratic ideals of the Holy Alliance, the dispute over Oregon, the annexation of East and West Florida, the perception in London and Washington that English and American interests had become at least partially identical, out of all these movements and contending forces, the mind of John Quincy Adams, more than of any other statesman, formulated the principles that should govern the foreign policy of the republic.

In the Cabinet discussions in November, 1823, during which those principles were hammered into shape, one of Adams' paragraphs admirably summed up the fundamental motives. of our national and international policy, as follows:

"1. That the Institution of Government, to be lawful, must be pacific, that is founded upon the consent and by the agreement of those who are governed; and

"2. That each Nation is exclusively the judge of the Government best suited to itself, and that no other Nation can justly interfere by force to impose a different Government upon it.

"The first of these principles may be designated as the Principle of Liberty-the second as the principle of National Independence. They are both Principles of Peace and of Good Will to Men."

Although this paragraph, on account of President Monroe's objection, was omitted from the despatch

the Russian Government, for which it was originally prepared, its spirit flavored the conclusion of the whole matter, expressed not only in that negotiation with Russia, but also in the first proclamation of the

Monroe Doctrine a few days later. The first sentence in Adams' suppressed paragraph is manifestly an echo of Jefferson's Declaration of Independence. No less clearly is it

akin to Wilson's noble address to the Senate, almost a century later, January 22, 1917, with its daring suggestion of a "Monroe Doctrine for the world."

MONROE DOCTRINE. FIRST FORM:

INDEPENDENT AMERICA SHALL REMAIN INDEPENDENT; EUROPE'S POLITICAL SYSTEM NOT WANTED HERE

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"With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States."

After Mr. Adams became President, Mexico and other States asked

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"The purpose of this Government is to concur in none (i. e., no means) which would import hostility to Europe, or justly excite resentment in any of her States. Should it be deemed advisable to contract any conventional engagement on this topic, our views would extend no further than to a mutual pledge of the parties to the compact to maintain the principle in application to its own territory, and to permit no colonial lodgments or establishment European jurisdiction upon its own soil; and with respect to the obtrusive interference from abroad-if its future character may be inferred from that which has been and perhaps still is exercised in more than one of the new States-a joint declaration of its character and exposure of it to the world may be probably all that the occasion would require.”

of

General Bolivar and other Spanish American leaders were quick to read into the principle of "America for Americans" a possibility of unity or at least of alliance, for which only a very few of our statesmen, notably Henry Clay, were prepared. John Quincy Adams desired the United States to establish and retain a prudent primacy in American affairs,

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