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which suggest that the native church and native literature had their | scriptional and intrinsic probability. No book, however, presents strength at first chiefly in the southern parts of the country. must be noted that Westcott and Hort called the Bohairic Memphitic, and the Sahidic Thebaic, and Tischendorf called the Bohairic Coptic.

such a complicated problem or such a wealth of material for the textual critic.

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[See G. Horner's The Coptic Version of the New Testament in the Northern Dialect (Oxford); Scrivener's Introduction (ed. Miller), vol. ii. pp. 91-144; and especially an article on Egyptian Versions" in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, vol. i., by Forbes Robinson.]

(8) Among the secondary versions the only one of real importance is the Armenian. The Armenian Version.-The early history of this version is obscure, but it seems probable that there were two translations Armenian. made in the 4th century: (1) by Mesrop with the help of Hrofanos (Rufinus?) based on a Greek text; (2) by Sahak, based on Syriac. After the council of Ephesus (A. D. 430) Mesrop and Sahak compared and revised their work with the help of MSS. from Constantinople. The general character of the version is late, but there are many places in which the Old Syriac basis can be recognized, and in the Acts and Epistles, where the Old Syriac is no longer extant, this is sometimes very valuable evidence.

[See Scrivener (ed. Miller) vol. ii. pp. 148-154: Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, article on "The Armenian Versions of the New Testament," by F. C. Conybeare; J. A. Robinson, "Euthaliana (Texts and Studies, iii. 3), cap. 5; on the supposed connexion of Mark xvi. 8 ff. with Aristion mentioned in this version, see esp. Swete's The Gospel according to St Mark (London, 1902), p. cxi.]

Other secondary versions which are sometimes quoted are the Gothic, Ethiopic, Georgian, Arabic, Anglo-Saxon, Frankish and Persic. None has any real critical importance; details are given in Gregory's Prolegomena and in Scrivener's Introduction.

(C) Quotations in Patristic Writings.-The value of this source of evidence lies in the power which it gives us to date and localize texts. Its limitations are found in the inaccuracy of quotation of the writers, and often in the corrupt condition of their text. This latter point especially affects quotations which later scribes frequently forced into accord with the text they preferred.

In a certain wide sense the textual criticism of the New Testament began as soon as men consciously made recensions and versions, and in this sense Origen, Jerome, Augustine and many other ecclesiastical writers might be regarded as textual critics. But in practice it is general, and certainly convenient, to regard their work rather as material for criticism, and to begin the history of textual criticism with the earliest printed editions which sought to establish a standard Greek Text. It is, of course, impossible here to give an account of all these, but the following may fairly be regarded as the epoch-making books from the beginning to the present time.

[There is as yet but little satisfactory literature on this subject. Outstanding work is P. M. Barnard's "Clement of Alexandria's Biblical Text" (Texts and Studies, v. 5), 1899; Harnack's "Eine Schrift Novatians," in Texte und Untersuchungen, xiii. 4; Souter's "Ambrosiaster" in Texts and Studies, vii. 4: the Society of His torical Theology's New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers; an article by Kostschau, Bibelcitate bei Origenes," in the Zeitschrift f. wissenschaftliche Theologie (1900), pp. 321-378; and on the general subject especially Nestle's Einführung in das griechische Neue Testament (Göttingen, 1909), pp. 159-167.] (K. L.)

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The Complutensian.-The first printed text of the Greek Testament is known as the Complutensian, because it was made under the direction of Cardinal Ximenes of Alcalá (Lat. Complutum). It was printed in 1514, and is thus the first printed text, but is not the first published, as it was not issued until 1522. It is not known what MSS. Ximenes used, but it is plain from the character of the text that they were not of great value. His text was reprinted in 1569 by Chr. Plantin at Antwerp.

Erasmus.-The first published text was that of Erasmus. It was undertaken at the request of Joannes Froben (Frobenius), the printer of Basel, who had heard of Cardinal Ximenes' project and wished to forestall it. In this he was successful, as it was issued in really good one (cod. Evan. 1) was seldom followed. Erasmus issued 1516. It was based chiefly on MSS. at Basel, of which the only new editions in 1519. 1522, 1527 and 1535. and the Aldine Greek Testament, printed at Venice in 1518, is a reproduction of the first edition.

Stephanus. Perhaps the most important of all early editions were those of Robert Etienne, or Stephanus, of Paris and afterwards of Geneva. His two first editions (1546, 1549) were based on Erasmus, the Complutensian, and collations of fifteen Greek MSS. These are 16mo volumes, but the third and most important edition (1550) was a folio with a revised text. It is this edition which is usually referred to as the text of Stephanus. A fourth edition (in 16mo) published at Geneva in 1551 is remarkable for giving the division of the text into verses which has since been generally adopted. Beza.-Stephanus' work was continued by Theodore Beza, who published ten editions between 1565 and 1611. They did not greatly differ from the 1550 edition of Stephanus, but historically are important for the great part they played in spreading a knowledge of the Greek text, and as supplying the text which the Elzevirs made the standard on the continent.

All writers earlier than the 5th century are valuable, but particularly important are the following groups;-(1) Greek writers in the West, especially Justin Martyr, Tatian, Marcion, Irenaeus and Hippolytus; (2) Latin writers in Italy, especially Novatian, the author of the de Rebaptismate and Ambrosiaster; (3) Latin writers in Africa, especially Tertullian and Cyprian; (4) Greek writers in Alexandria, especially Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Athanasius and Cyril; (5) Greek writers in the East, especially Methodius of Lycia and Eusebius of Caesarea; (6) Syriac writers, especially Aphraates and Ephraem; it is doubtful whether the Diatessaron Elsevir.-The two brothers, Bonaventura and Abraham Elzevir. of Tatian ought to be reckoned in this group or in (1). None of these published two editions at Leiden in 1624 and 1633, based chiefly groups bears witness to quite the same text, nor can all of them be on Beza's text. In the preface to the second edition the first is identified with the texts found in existing MSS. or versions, but it referred to as "textum.. nunc ab omnibus receptum," and this may be said with some truth that group 2 used the European Latin is the origin of the name " Textus Receptus" (or T.R.) often given version, group 3 the African Latin, and group 6 the Diatessaron in to the ordinary Greek Text. The Elzevir text has formed the basis the gospels and the Old Syriac elsewhere, while group 1 has much of all non-critical editions on the continent, but in England the in common with cod. Bezae, though the difference is here somewhat 1550 edition of Stephanus has been more generally followed. The greater. In group 4 the situation is more complex; Clement used importance of both the Stephanus and Elzevir editions is that they a text which has most in common with cod. Bezae, but is clearly formed a definite text for the purposes of comparison, and so prefar from identical; Origen in the main has the text of B; Athan-pared the way for the next stage, in which scholars busied themasius a somewhat later variety of the same type, while Cyril has the selves with the investigation and collation of other MSS. so-called Alexandrian text found especially in L. Group 4 has a peculiar text which cannot be identified with any definite group of MSS. For further treatment of the importance of this evidence see the section Textual Criticism below.

Walton's Polyglot.-The first to begin this work was Brian Walton, bishop of Chester, who published in 1657 in the 5th and 6th volumes of his "polyglot" Bible the text of Stephanus (1550) with the readings of fifteen new MSS. besides those employed by Stephanus himself. The collations were made for him by Archbishop Ussher.

John Fell.-In 1675 John Fell, dean of Christ Church, published the Elzevir text with an enlarged apparatus, but even more important was the help and advice which he gave to the next important editor-Mill.

John Mill, of Queen's College, Oxford, influenced by the advice, and supported by the purse of John Fell until the latter's death, published in 1707 a critical edition of the New Testament which has still a considerable value for the scholar. It gives the text of Stephanus (1550) with collations of 78 MSS., besides those of Stephanus, the readings of the Old Latin, so far as was then known, the Vulgate and Peshito, together with full and valuable prolegomena.

3. Textual Criticism.

Bentley.-A little later Richard Bentley conceived the idea that it would be possible to reconstruct the original text of the New Testament by a comparison of the earliest Greek and Latin sources; he began to collect material for this purpose, and issued a scheme entitled "Proposals for Printing" in 1720, but though he amassed many notes nothing was ever printed.

The problem which faces the textual critic of the New Testament is to reconstruct the original text from the materials supplied by the MSS., versions, and quotations in early writers, which have been described in the preceding section on the apparatus criticus. His object, therefore, is to discover and W. Mace.-Fairness forbids us to omit the name of William (or remove the various corruptions which have crept into the text, Daniel?) Mace, a Presbyterian minister who published The New Testament in Greek and English, in 2 vols. in 1729, and really anticiby the usual methods of the textual critic-the collection of pated many of the verdicts of later critics. He was, however, not in material, the grouping of MSS. and other authorities, the rea position to obtain recognition, and his work has been generally construction of archetypes, and the consideration of tran-overlooked.

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J. J. Wetstein, one of Bentley's assistants, when living in Basel in 1730, published "Prolegomena to the Text, and in 1751-1752 (at Amsterdam) the text of Stephanus with enlarged Prolegomena and apparatus criticus. His textual views were peculiar; he preferred to follow late MSS. on the ground that all the earlier copies had been contaminated by the Latin-almost reversing the teaching of Bentley. His edition is historically very important as it introduced the system of notation which, in the amplified form given to it by Gregory, is still in general use.

J. A. Bengel, abbot of Alpirspach (a Lutheran community), published in 1734, at Tubingen, an edition of the New Testament which marks the beginning of a new era. For the first time an attempt was made to group the MSS., which were divided into African and Asiatic. The former group contained the few old MSS., the latter the many late MSS., and preference was given to the African. This innovation has been followed by almost all critics since Bengel's time, and it was developed by Griesbach.

J. J. Griesbach, a pupil at Halle of J. S. Semler (who in 1764 reprinted Wetstein's Prolegomena, and in comments of his own took over and expounded Bengel's views), collated many MSS., and distinguished three main groups: the Alexandrian or Origenian (which roughly corresponded to Bengel's African), found in ABCL, the Egyptian version and Origen; the Western, found in D and Latin authorities; and the Constantinopolitan (Bengel's Asiatic), found in the later MSS. and in Byzantine writers. His view was that the last group was the least valuable; but, except when internal evidence forbade (and he thought that it frequently did so), he followed the text found in any two groups against the third. His first edition was published in 1774-1775. his second and improved edition in 1796 (vol. i.) and 1806. For the second edition he had the advantage not merely of his own collection of material (published chiefly in his Symbolae Criticae, 1785-1793), but also of many collations by Birch, Matthaei and Adler, and an edition with new collations by F. K. Alter.

J. L. Hug, Roman Catholic professor of theology at Freiburg, published (Stuttgart and Tubingen) his Einleitung in die Schriften des N. T. (1808); he is chiefly remarkable for the curious way in which he introduced many critical ideas which were not appreciated at the time but have since been revived. He accepted Griesbach's views as a whole, but starting from the known recensions of the LXX. he identified Griesbach's Alexandrian text with the work of Hesychius, and the Constantinopolitan with that of Lucian, while he described Griesbach's Western text as the xow Exdools.

J. M. A. Scholz, a pupil of Hug, inspected and partially collated nearly a thousand MSS. and assigned numbers to them which have since been generally adopted. His work is for this reason important, but is unfortunately inaccurate.

K. Lachmann, the famous classical scholar, opened a new era in textual criticism in 1842-1850, in his N.T. Graece et Latine. In this great book a break was made for the first time with the traditional text and the evidence of the late MSS., and an attempt was made to reconstruct the text according to the oldest authorities. This was a great step forward, but unfortunately it was accompanied by a retrogression to the pre-Griesbachian (or rather pre-Bengelian) days; for Lachmann rejected the idea of grouping MSS., and having selected a small number of the oldest authorities undertook always to follow the reading of the majority.

C. Tischendorf, the most famous follower of Lachmann, besides editions of many MSS. and the collation of many more, published between 1841 and 1869-1872 eight editions of the New Testament with full critical notes. The eighth edition, which for the first time contained the readings of x, has not yet been equalled, and together with the Prolegomena, supplied by C. R. Gregory after Tischendorf's death, is the standard critical edition which is used by scholars all over the world. At the same time it must be admitted that it gradually became antiquated. Fresh collations of MSS., and especially fresh discoveries and investigations into the text of the versions and Fathers, have given much new information which entirely changed the character of the evidence for many readings, and rendered a new edition necessary (see SODEN, H. VON). As a collector and publisher of evidence Tischendorf was marvellous, but as an editor of the text he added little to the principles of Lachmann, and like Lachmann does not seem to have appreciated the value of the Griesbachian system of grouping MSS.

S. P. Tregelles, an English scholar, like Tischendorf, spent almost his whole life in the collection of material, and published a critical edition, based on the earliest authorities, at intervals between 1857 and 1872. His work was eclipsed by Tischendorf's, and his critical principles were almost the same as the German scholar's. so that his work has obtained less recognition than would otherwise have been the case. Tischendorf and Tregelles finished the work which Lachmann began. They finally exploded the pretensions of the Textus Receptus to be the original text; but neither of them gave any explanation of the relations of the later text to the earlier, nor developed Griesbach's system of dealing with groups of MSS. rather than with single copies.

B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. Hort (commonly quoted as WH), the Cambridge scholars, supplied the deficiencies of Lachmann, and without giving up the advantages of his system, and its development by Tischendorf, brought back the study of the text of the

New Testament to the methods of Griesbach. Their great work was published in 1881 under the title of The New Testament in the Original Greek. Their view of the history of the text is that a comparison of the evidence shows that, while we can distinguish more than e type of text, the most clearly discernible of all the varicties is first recognizable in the quotations of Chrysostom, and is preserved in almost all the later MISS. Though found in so great a number of witnesses, this type of text is shown not to be the earliest or best by the evidence of all the oldest MS. versions and Fathers, as well as by internal evidence. Moreover, a comparison with the earlier sources of evidence shows that it was built up out of previously existing texts. This is proved by the "conflations" which are found in it. For instance in Mark ix. 38 the later MSS. read os oux ȧkodovðeî ýμîv, kai ixwhúσauer autov öri cix éadoutei muir, a clumsy sentence which is clearly made up out of two earlier readings, kal ikwλiouer avtův óti oúk txokoi ur, found in * ECL boh., and ὃς οὐκ ἀκολουθεῖ μεθ' ἡμῶν, καὶ ἐκπλίομεν αὐτός, fcast in DX fam, fam." 28 latt. It is impossible, in face of the fact that the evidence of the oldest witnesses of all sorts is constantly opposed to the longer readings, to doubt that WH were right in arguing that these phenomena prove that the later text was made up by a process of revision and conflation of the earlier forms. Influenced by the use of the later text by Chrysostom, WH called it the Syrian or Antiochene text, and refer to the revision which produced it as the Syrian revision. They suggested that it might perhaps be attributed to Lucian, who is known to have made a revision of the text of the LXX. The earlier texts which were used for the Syrian revision may, according to WH, be divided into three: (1) the Western text, used especially by Latin writers and found also in cod. Bezae and in Syr C; (2) the Alexandrine text used by Cyril of Alexandria and found especially in CL33 and (3) a text which differs from both the above mentioned and is therefore called by WH the Neutral text, found especially in x B and the quotations of Origen. Of these three types WH thought that the Neutral was decidedly the best. The Alexandrian was clearly a literary recension of it, and WH strove to show that the Western was merely due to the non-literary efforts of scribes in other parts to improve the narrative. The only exception which they allowed to this general rule was in the case of certain passages, especially in the last chapters of Luke, where the "Western authorities omit words which are found in the Neutral and Alexandrian texts. Their reason was that omission seems to be contrary to the genius of the Western text, and that it is therefore probable that these passages represent interpolations made in the text on the Neutral side after the division between it and the Western They might be called Neutral interpolations, but WH preferred the rather clumsy expression "Western non-interpolations." Having thus decided that the Neutral text was almost always right, it only remained for WH to choose between the various authorities which preserved this type. They decided that the two best authorities were & and B, and that when these differed the reading of B, except when obviously an accidental blunder, was probably right. The great importance of this work of WH lies in the facts that it not merely condemns but explains the late Antiochene text, and that it attempts to consider in an objective manner all the existing evidence and to explain it historically and genealogically. Opinions differ as to the correctness of the results reached by WH, but there is scarcely room for doubt that as an example of method their work is quite unrivalled at present and is the necessary starting-point for all modern investigations.

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Since Westcott and Hort no work of the same importance appeared up till 1909. Various useful texts have been issued, among which those of Nestle (Novum Testamentum Graece, Stuttgart, 1904), based on a comparison of the texts of Tischendorf, WH and Weiss, and of Baljon (Novum Testamentum Graece, Groningen, 1898), are the best. The only serious attempt as yet published to print a complete text independently of other editors is that of B. Weiss (Der Neut Testament, Leipzig, 1894-1900), but the method followed in this is so subjective and pays so little attention to the evidence of the versions that it is not likely to be permanently important. The text reached is not widely different from that of WH. The new work in course of preparation by von Soden at Berlin, which promises to take the place of Tischendorf's edition, must certainly do this so far as Greek MSS. are concerned, for the whole field has been reinvestigated by a band of assistants who have grouped and coliated specimens of all known MSS.

Besides these works the chief efforts of textual critics since WH have been directed towards the elucidation of minor problems, and the promulgation of certain hypotheses to explain the character istics either of individual MSS. or of groups of MSS. Among these the works of Sanday, Corssen, Wordsworth, White, Burkitt and Harris on the history of the Old Latin and Vulgate, and especially the work of Burkitt on the Old Syriac, have given most light on the subject. These lines of research have been described in the preceding section on the apparatus criticus. Other noteworthy and interesting, though in the end probably less important, work has been done by Blass, Bousset, Schmidtke, Rendel Harris and Chase. The outline of the chief works is as follows:

F. Blass. In his various books on the Acts and third gospel Blase has propounded a new theory as to the "Western" text. He wa3

struck by the fact that neither the Western can be shown to be derived from the Neutral, nor the Neutral from the Western. He therefore conceived the idea that perhaps both texts were Lucan, and represented two recensions by the original writer, and he reconstructed the history as follows. Luke wrote the first edition of the Gospel for Theophilus from Caesarea; this is the Neutral text of the Gospel. Afterwards he went to Rome and there revised the text of the Gospel and reissued it for the Church in that city; this is the Western (or, as Blass calls it, Roman) text of the Gospel. At the same time he continued his narrative for the benefit of the Roman Church, and published the Western text of the Acts. Finally he revised the Acts and sent a copy to Theophilus; this is the Neutral text of the Acts. This ingenious theory met with considerable approval when it was first advanced, but it has gradually been seen that "Western" text does not possess the unity which Blass's theory requires it to have. Still, Blass's textual notes are very important, and there is a mass of material in his books.

Bousset and Schmidtke.-These two scholars have done much work in trying to identify smaller groups of MSS. with local texts. Bousset has argued that the readings in the Pauline epistles found in x H and a few minuscules represent the text used by Pamphilus, and on the whole this view seems to be highly probable. Another group which Bousset has tried to identify is that headed by B, which he connects with the recension of Hesychius, but this theory, though widely accepted in Germany, does not seem to rest on a very solid basis. To some extent influenced by and using Bousset's results, Schmidtke has tried to show that certain small lines in the margin of B point to a connexion between that MS. and a Gospel harmony, which, by assuming that the text of B is Hesychian, he identifies with that of Ammonius. If true, this is exceedingly important. Nestle, however, and other scholars think that the lines in B are merely indications of a division of the text into senseparagraphs and have nothing to do with any harmony.

Rendel Harris and Chase.-Two investigations, which attracted much notice when they were published, tried to explain the phenomena of the Western text as due to retranslation from early versions into Greek. Rendel Harris argued for the influence of Latin, and Chase for that of Syriac. While both threw valuable light on obscure points, it seems probable that they exaggerated the extent to which retranslation can be traced; that they ranked Codex Bezae somewhat too highly as the best witness to the "Western" text; and that some of their work was rendered defective by their failure to recognize quite clearly that the "Western" text is not a unity. At the same time, however little of Rendel Harris's results may ultimately be accepted by the textual critics of the future, his work will always remain historically of the first importance as having done more than anything else to stimulate thought and open new lines of research in textual criticism in the last decade of the 19th century.

The time has not yet come when any final attempt can be made to bring all these separate studies together and estimate exactly how far they necessitate serious modification of the views of Westcott and Hort; but a tentative and provisional judgment would probably have to be on somewhat the following lines. The work of WH may be summed up into two theorems: (1) The text preserved in the later MSS. is not primitive, but built up out of earlier texts; (2) these earlier texts may be classified as Western, Alex andrian and Neutral, of which the Neutral is the primitive form. The former of these theorems has been generally accepted and may be taken as proved, but the second has been closely criticized and probably must be modified. It has been approached from two sides, according as critics have considered the Western or the Neutral and Alexandrian texts.

true that some readings found in both texts seem to have little probability. Sanday, followed by Chase and a few other English scholars, has suggested that the Old Latin may have been made originally in Antioch, but this paradoxical view has met with little support. A more probable suggestion is Burkitt's, who thinks that many readings in our present Old Syriac MSS. are due to the Diatessaron, which was a geographically Western text. It may be that this suggestion will solve the difficulty, but at present it is impossible to say.

text

The Neutral and Alexandrian Texts.-WH made it plain that the Alexandrian text was a literary development of the Neutral, but they always maintained that the latter text was not confined to, though chiefly used in Alexandria. More recent investigations have confirmed their view as to the relation of the Alexandrian to the Neutral text, but have thrown doubt on the age and widespread use of the latter. Whatever view be taken of the provenance of Codex Vaticanus it is plain that its archetype had the Pauline epistles in a peculiar order which is only found in Egypt, and so far no one has been able to discover any non-Alexandrian writer who used the Neutral text. Moreover, Barnard's researches into the Biblical text of Clement of Alexandria show that there is reason to doubt whether even in Alexandria the Neutral text was used in the earliest times. We have no evidence earlier than Clement, and the text of the New Testament which he quotes has more in common with the Old Latin or geographically Western" than with the Neutral, though it definitely agrees with no known type preserved in MSS. or versions. This discovery has put the Neutral text in a different light. It would seem as though we could roughly divide the history of the text in Alexandria into three periods. The earliest is that which is represented by the quotations in Clement, and must have been in use in Alexandria at the end of the 2nd and beginning of the 3rd century. It is unfortunately not found in any extant MS. The second stage is that found in the quotations of Origen which is fairly well represented in B, though Origen seems at times to have used MSS. of the earlier type. The third stage is WH's Alexandrian, found in the quotations of Cyril of Alexandria and a few MSS. (esp. CL ZA¥). It is clearly a revision of the second stage, as WH saw, but we can now add that it was not merely a literary revision but was influenced by the tendency to revive readings which are found in the first stage but rejected in the second.

It thus seems probable that WH's theory must be modified, both as regards the "Western" text, which is seen not to be a single text at all, and as regards the "Neutral" text, which seems to be nothing more than the second stage of the development of the text in Alexandria. But the importance of these modifications is something more than the doubt which they have thrown on WH's theories: they have really shifted the centre of gravity of the textual problem.

The Western Text.-This was regarded by WH as a definite text, found in D, the Old Latin and the Old Syriac; and it is an essential part of their theory that in the main these three witnesses represent one text. On the evidence which they had WH were undoubtedly justified, but discoveries and investigation have gone far to make it impossible to hold this view any longer. We now know more about the Old Latin, and, thanks to Mrs Lewis' discovery, much more about the Old Syriac. The result is that the authorities on which WH relied for their Western text are seen to bear witness to two texts, not to one. The Old Latin, if we take the African form as the oldest, as compared with the Neutral text has a series of interpolations and a series of omissions. The Old Syriac, if we take the Sinaitic MS. as the purest form, compared in the same way, has a similar double series of interpolations and omissions, but neither the omissions nor the interpolations are the same in the Old Latin as in the Old Syriac. Such a line of research suggests that instead of being able, as WH thought, to set the Western against the Neutral text (the Alexandrian being merely a development of the latter), we must consider the problem as the comparison of at least three texts, a Western (geographically), an Eastern and the Neutral. This makes the matter much more difficult; and an answer is demanded to the problem afforded by the agreement of two of these texts against the third. The obvious solution would be to say that where two agree their reading is probably correct, but the followers of WH maintain that the agreement of the Western and Eastern is often an agreement in error. It is difficult to see how texts, geographically so wide apart as the Old Latin and Old Syriac would seem to be, are likely to agree in error, but it is certainly

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Formerly the Greek uncials, which go back to the 4th century, were regarded as the most important source of evidence, and were supposed to have the decisive vote; but now it is becoming plain that still more important, though unfortunately much less complete, is the evidence of the versions and of quotations by early writers. Both of these point to the existence in the 3rd and even 2nd century of types of text which differ in very many points from anything preserved in Greek MSS. Yet there is no doubt that both of them ultimately represent Greek MSS. which are no longer extant. The question, therefore, is whether we ought not to base our text on the versions and ecclesiastical quotations rather than on the extant Greek MSS. Two positions are possible: (1) We may defend a text based on the best existing Greek MSS. by the argument that these represent the text which was approved by competent judges in the 4th century, and would be found to exist in earlier MSS. if we possessed them. The weak point of this argument is the lack of evidence in support of the second part. The only possible sources of evidence, apart from the discovery of fresh MSS., are the versions, and they do not point to existence in the 2nd or 3rd century of texts agreeing with the great uncials. It is also possible to argue, as WH did, on the same side, that the purest form of text was preserved in Alexandria, from which the oldest uncials are directly or indirectly derived, but this argument has been weakened if not finally disposed of by the evidence of Clement of Alexandria. It is, of course, conceivable that Clement merely used bad MSS., and that there were other MSS. which he might have used, agreeing with the great uncials, but there is no evidence for this view. (2) If we reject this position we must accept the evidence as giving the great uncials much the same secondary importance as Westcott and Hort gave to the later MSS., and make an attempt to reconstruct a text on the basis of versions and Fathers. The adoption of this view sets textual critics a peculiarly difficult task. The first stage in their work must be the establishment of the earliest form of each version, and the collection and examination of the quotations in all the early writers. This has not yet been done, but enough has been accomplished to point to the probability that the result will be the establishment of at least three main types of texts, represented by the Old Syriac, the Old Latin and Clement's quotations, while it is doubtful how far Tatian's Diatessaron, the quotations in Justin and a few other sources may be used to reconstruct the type of Greek text used in Rome in the 2nd century when Rome was still

primarily a Greek church. The second stage must be the comparison of these results and the attempt to reconstruct from them a Greek text from which they all arose.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.-The literature of textual criticism of the New Testament is so great that only a few of the more important modern books can be mentioned here: H. von Soden, Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments (i. 1902-1907); E. Nestle, Einführung in das griechische Neue Testament (Göttingen, 1909); F. G. Kenyon, Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament (London, 1901); C. R. Gregory, Textkritik des Neuen Testament (Leipzig, 1900-1902), and Die griech. Handschr. des N.T. (Leipzig, 1908); Westcott and Hort, Introduction (vol. ii. of their New Testament in Greek, Cambridge, 1882). The history of criticism is dealt with in all the above-mentioned books, and also in F. H. Scrivener, Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament (London, 1894). For other points especially important (besides books mentioned in the preceding section) see F. Blass, Acta Apostolorum (Göttingen, 1895; and an editio minor, with a valuable preface, Leipzig, 1896); Rendel Harris. Four Lectures on the Western Text (Cambridge, 1894); F. Chase, The Syro-Latin Text (London, 1895); W. Bousset, Textkritische Studien (Leipzig, 1894); B. Weiss, Der Codex D in der Apostelgeschichte (Leipzig, 1897); A. Pott, Der abendländische Text d. Apostelgeschichte (Leipzig, 1900); G. Salmon, Some Thoughts on Textual Criticism of the New Testament (London, 1897); Schmidtke, Die Evangelien eines allen Unzialcodex (Leipzig, 1903). L.)

4. Higher Criticism.

The New Testament is a series of early Christian writings which the Church came to regard as canonical, i.e. they were placed in the same category as the Old Testament, the writings which the Christian had inherited from the Jewish Church. Just as the ancient Scriptures were considered to be the Word of God, so that what they contained was necessarily the true and inspired doctrine, so also the New Testament was available for proving the Church's dogma. The assured canonicity of the whole New Testament resulted in its use by the medieval theologians, the Schoolmen, as a storehouse of proof-texts. Thus the New Testament seemed to exist in order to prove the Church's conclusions, not to tell its own tale.

The Nouum Instrumentum published by Erasmus in 1516 (see above, Textual Criticism) contained more than the mere Editio Princeps of the Greek text: Erasmus accomErasmus. panied it with a Latin rendering of his own, in which he aimed at giving the meaning of the Greek without blindly following the conventional phraseology of the Latin Vulgate, which was the only form in which the New Testament had been current in western Europe for centuries. This rendering of Erasmus, together with his annotations and prefaces to the several books, make his editions the first great monument of modern Biblical study. Medieval Bibles contain short prefaces by St Jerome and others. The stereotyped information supplied in these prefaces was drawn from various sources: Erasmus distinguishes, e.g., between the direct statements in the Acts and the inferences which may be drawn from incidental allusions in the Pauline Epistles, or from the statements of ancient noncanonical writers. This discrimination of sources is the startingpoint of scientific criticism.

The

The early champions of Church reform in the beginning of the 16th century found in the Bible their most trustworthy weapon. The picture of Apostolical Christianity Reformers. found in the New Testament offered indeed a glaring contrast to the papal system of the later middle ages. Moreover, some of the "authorities" used by the Schoolmen had been discovered by the New Learning of the Renaissance to be no authorities at all, such as the writings falsely attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite. When, therefore, the breach came, and the struggle between reformers and conservatives within the undivided Church was transformed into a struggle between Protestants and Romanists, it was inevitable that the authority which in the previous centuries had been ascribed to the Church Eg from the preface to the Acts: "Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, a very ancient writer, quoted by Eusebius, writes that Peter and Paul obtained the crown of martyrdom by the command of Nero on the same day." And again: Some industrious critics have added (to the narrative of Acts) that Paul was acquitted at his first trial by Nero.. This conjecture they make from the 2nd Ep. to Timothy....

should be transferred by the Reformed Churches to the Be "The Bible, the Bible alone, is the religion of Protestants":

really express the watchword of the anti-Romanist parties, especially towards the close of the acuter struggle. At the beginning of the movement the New Testament itself had been freely criticized. Luther, like his countrymen of to-day, judzed the contents of the New Testament by the light of his leading convictions; and in his German translation, which occupies the same place in Germany as the Authorized Version of 1611 does in English-speaking lands, he even placed four of the books (Hebrews, James, Jude, Apocalypse) in an appendix at the end, with prefaces explanatory of this drastic act of criticism. But though we may trace a real affiliation between the principles of Luther and modern German critical study-notably in the doctrines of the Gospel within the Gospel and of the residual Essence of Christianity-Luther's discriminations were in the 17th century ignored in practice.

From cover to cover the whole New Testament was regarded at the beginning of the 18th century by almost all Protestants as the infallible revelation of the true religion. The

doctrines of Christianity, and in many communities

Influence
of textual

the customs of the Church, were held to be inferences criticism.
from the inspired text of the Scriptures. The first
serious blow to this view came from the study of textual criticism.
The editions of Mill (1707) and of Wetstein (1751) proved once
for all that variations in the text, many of them serious, had
existed from the earliest times. It was evident, therefore, that
the true authority of the New Testament could not be that of a
legal code which is definite in all its parts. More important still
was the growing perception of the general uniformity of nature,
which had forced itself with increasing insistence upon men's
minds as the study of the natural sciences progressed in the
17th and 18th centuries. The miracles of the New Testament,
which had formerly been received as bulwarks of Christianity,
now appeared as difficulties needing explanation. Furthermore,
the prevailing philosophies of the 18th century tended to demand
that a real divine revelation should be one which expressed
itself in a form convincing to the reason of the average plain
man, whatever his predispositions might be; it was obvious
that the New Testament did not wholly conform to this
standard.

But if the New Testament be not itself the direct divise
revelation in the sense of the 18th century, the question still
remains, how we are to picture the true history of the Rational
rise of Christianity, and what its true meaning is. ists.
This is the question which has occupied the theologians
of the 19th and 20th centuries. Perhaps the most significant
event from which to date the modern period is the publication
by Lessing in 1774-1777 of the "Wolfenbüttel Fragments," ie.
H. S. Reimarus' posthumous attack on Christianity, a work
which showed that the mere study of the New Testament is not
enough to compel belief in an unwilling reader. Lessing's
publication also helped to demonstrate the weakness of the
older rationalist position, a position which really belongs to the
18th century, though its best-remembered exponent, Dr. H. E. G.
Paulus, only died in 1851. The characteristic of the rationalists
was the attempt to explain away the New Testament miracles
as coincidences or naturally occurring events, while at the same
time they held as tenaciously as possible to the accuracy of the
letter of the New Testament narratives. The opposite swing
of the pendulum appears in D. F. Strauss: in his
Leben Jesu (1833) he abandons the shifts and ex-
pedients by which the rationalists eliminated the miraculous
from the Gospel stories, but he abandons also their historical
character. According to Strauss the fulfilments of prophecy
in the New Testament arise from the Christians' belief that the
Christian Messiah must have fulfilled the predictions of the
prophets, and the miracles of Jesus in the New Testament either
originate in the same way or are purely mythical embodiments
of Christian doctrines.

Strauss

The phrase is Chillingworth's (1637), who may be described as a Broad High-churchman.

The main objection to this presentation, as also to that of the rationalists, is that it is very largely based not upon the historical data, but upon a pre-determined theory. Tübingen school. Granted the philosophical basis, the criticism practised upon the New Testament by Paulus and Strauss follows almost automatically. Herein lies the permanent importance of the work of Ferdinand Christian Baur, professor of theology at Tübingen from 1826 to 1860. The corner-stone of his reconstruction of early Christian history is derived not so much from philosophical principles as from a fresh study of the documents. Starting from Galatians and 1 Corinthians, which are obviously the genuine letters of a Christian leader called Paul to his converts, Baur accepted 2 Corinthians and Romans as the work of the same hand. From the study of these contemporary and genuine documents, he elaborated the theory that the earliest Christianity, the Christianity of Jesus and the original apostles, was wholly Judaistic in tone and practice. Paul, converted to belief in Jesus as Messiah after the Crucifixion, was the first to perceive that for Christians Judaism had ceased to be binding. Between him and the older apostles arose a long and fierce controversy, which was healed only when at last his disciples and the Judaizing disciples of the apostles coalesced into the Catholic Church. This only occurred, according to Baur, early in the 2nd century, when the strife was finally allayed and forgotten. The various documents which make up the New Testament were to be dated mainly by their relation to the great dispute. The Apocalypse was a genuine work of John the son of Zebedee, one of the leaders of the Judaistic party, but most of the books were late, at least in their present form. The Acts, Baur thought, were written about A.D. 140, after the memory of the great controversy had almost passed away. All four Gospels also were to be placed in the 2nd century, though that according to Matthew retained many features unaltered from the Judaistic original upon which it was based. The Tübingen school founded by Baur dominated the theological criticism of the New Testament during a great part of the 19th century and it still finds some support. The main position was not so much erroneous as one-sided. The quarrel between St Paul and his opponents did not last so long as Baur supposed, and the great catastrophe of the fall of Jerusalem effectually reduced thorough-going Judaistic Christianity into insignificance from A.D. 70 onwards. Moreover, St Paul's converts do not seem to have adopted consistent "Paulinism" as a religious philosophy. St Paul was an emancipated Jew, but his converts were mostly Greeks, and the permanent significance of St Paul's theories of law and faith only began to be perceived after his letters had been collected together and had been received into the Church's canon. All these considerations tend to make the late dates proposed by Baur for the greater part of the New Testament books unnecessary; the latest investigators, notably Professor A. Harnack of Berlin, accept dates that are not far removed from the ancient Christian literary tradition.

Later views.

The Johannine writings, i.e. the Fourth Gospel and the three Epistles of John, represent the view of Christ and Christianity taken by a Christian teacher, who seems to have lived and written in Asia Minor at the close of the 1st century A.D. The value of the Fourth Gospel as a narrative of events is a matter of dispute, but the view of the personality of Jesus Christ set forth in it is unquestionably that which the Church has accepted. The discoveries of papyri in Upper Egypt during recent years, containing original letters written by persons of various classes and in some cases contemporary with the Epistles of the New Testament, have immensely increased our knowledge of the Greek of the period, and have cleared up not a few difficulties of language and expression. More important still is the application of Semitic study to elucidate the Gospels. It is idle indeed to rewrite the Gospel narratives in the Aramaic dialect spoken by Christ and the apostles, but the main watchwords of the Gospel theology-phrases like "the Kingdom of God," ""the World to come," the "Father in Heaven," "the Son of Man,"-can be more or less surely reconstructed from Jewish writings, and their meaning gauged apart from the special significance which they received in Christian hands. This line of investigation has been specially followed by Professor G. Dalman in his Worte Jesu. The study of the Semitic elements in early Christianity is less advanced than the study of the Greek elements, so that it is doubtless from the Semitic side that further progress in the criticism of the New Testament may be expected.

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5. New Testament Chronology. The subject of the chronology of the New Testament falls

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Literary criticism of the Gospels points to a similar conclusion. A hundred years' study of the synoptic problem, i.e. the causes which make the Gospels according to Matthew, Mark and Luke at once so much alike and so different, has resulted in the demon-naturally into two distinct sections-the chronology of the stration of the priority of Mark, which was known to Matthew Gospels, that is, of the life of Christ; and the chronology of and Luke in the same state and with the same contents as we the Acts, that is, of the apostolic age. have it now." This Gospel may be dated a very few years after A.D. 70. Luke and Matthew appear to have been published between 80 and 100.2 Besides the Gospel of Mark these Evangelists made use of another document, now lost, which contained many sayings of Jesus and some narratives not found in Mark. This document is by many scholars identified with the "Logia,' mentioned by Papias (Eusebius, Ch. Hist. iii. 39) as being the work of Matthew the Apostle, but the identification is not certain.

1J. Wellhausen, Einl. in die drei ersten Evangelien (1905), p. 57. If Luke used Josephus, as F. C. Burkitt and others believe, the later date must be taken; otherwise the earlier date is more probable, as in any case it must fall within the lifetime of a companion

of St Paul.

articles on the books of the New Testament. The selection here BIBLIOGRAPHY.-See the separate bibliographies to the separate given of the vast literature of the subject has been drawn up with the idea of setting the student on his way. 1. General and Historical.Jerome's Prefaces (to be found in any R. C. edition of the Vulgate); Luther's Prefaces (to be found in German-printed editions of Luther's for Erasmus; M. Creighton, "Chillingworth" in the Dict. of Nat. Bible); F. Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers (3rd ed., London, 1887)— Biogr.; Chr. Schrempf, Lessing als Philosoph (Stuttgart, 1906); J. Estlin Carpenter, The Bible in the 19th Century (London, 1903); A. Schweitzer, Von Reimarus zu Wrede (Tübingen, 1906). 2. For the (trans. in The Common Tradition of the Synoptic Gospels by E. A. Synoptic Gospels.-W. G. Rushbrooke, Synopticon (London, 1880), Abbott and W. G. Rushbrooke, London, 1884), Sir J. C. Hawkins, Horae Synopticae (Oxford, 1899); Prof. Julius Wellhausen, Einleitung in die drei ersten Evangelien (Berlin, 1905), Das Evangelium these four books make one work; Prof. A. Harnack, Lukas der Marci (1903), Das Ev. Matthaei (1904), Das Ev. Lucae (1904)Arzt (Berlin, 1905). 3. For the Fourth Gospel.-K. G. Bretschneider, Probabilia (Leipzig, 1820); Matthew Arnold's God and the Bible, chaps. v., vi. (still the best defence in English of a Johannine kernel, 1905); A. Loisy, Le Quatrième Evangile (Paris, 1903); Prof. P. W. new ed., 1884); W. Sanday, Criticism of the Fourth Gospel (Oxford, Schmiedel, Das vierte Evangelium gegenüber den drei ersten (Halle, 1906). 4. For the Semitic Elements in the N.T.-Prof. G. Dalman, Die Worte Jesu (Leipzig, 1898), (Eng. trans., The Words of Jesus, 1905); Prof. Johannes Weiss, Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes (1st ed. 1892, 2nd ed. 1900). The Protestant view of the New Testament in Prof. A. Harnack, Das Wesen des Christentums (Berlin, 1900), (Eng. trans., What is Christianity?, London, 1901) may be compared with the Liberal Catholic view in A. Loisy, L'Evangile et (F. C. B.) l'Eglise (2nd ed., 1903).

The Chronology of the Gospels.

The data group themselves round three definite points and the intervals between them: the definite points are the Nativity, the Baptism and the Crucifixion; the age of Christ at the time of the Baptism connects the first two points, and the duration of his public ministry connects the second and third. The results obtained under the different heads serve mutually to test, and thereby to correct or confirm, one another.

1. The date of the Nativity as fixed according to our common computation of Anni Domini (first put forward by Dionysius Exiguus at Rome early in the 6th century) has long been recognized to be too late. The fathers of the primitive church had been

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