as expressed in present policy may have a bearing on existing legal rules. In the field covered, however, which is a wide one, the survey is complete. Every statutory provision is scrutinized, and considered in various applications to individual cases, both actual and possible. All the decisions have been examined and classified, and are cited, compared, discussed, or otherwise utilized. But the book is much more than a full collation of statutes and authorities; it is that, and a systematic study or treatise besides. Much labor and painstaking thought have obviously and necessarily gone to the making of it. The author's studies have led him to conclude that the body of law relating to the exclusion and expulsion of aliens in the United States cannot rightly be understood, if considered only in its purely administrative aspects or in the light merely of accepted principles of international law, but must be apprehended as "a distinct and important branch of municipal law." His treatment of the subject-matter, together with a certain arrangement, classification or division of topics, enables him to exhibit a symmetrical and finished scheme of legislation, as well as to develop what he regards as the governing principles and underlying reasons peculiar to this branch of the law, and to carry these principles into a great variety of detailed applications. The book begins (Chapter I) with an exposition of certain general principles, including the general right of governments to exclude or expel aliens, with its limitations imposed by international law, and a statement concerning the exercise of the power in the United States, which includes an historical review of the treaties concluded and laws enacted on the subject and a discussion of the constitutional power of Congress in the premises. The existing immigration law is then annotated and discussed section by section (Chapter II). The status of aliens is next treated in a chapter (III) which is probably the most important, as it is the most interesting, in the book, as chiefly reflecting the author's point of view and embodying his more far-reaching conclusions. The topics considered in this chapter include the acquisition and loss of municipal status by aliens, under the Chinese exclusion acts and under the immigration laws; the acquisition of citizenship, by birth, by naturalization, either directly, or through the naturalization of a husband or a parent; the rights incident to domicile; and the peculiar status of special classes, such as seamen, stowaways and natives of insular possessions. Further chapters (IV, V and VI) deal with the respective jurisdictions of the courts and the executive, with the matter of evidence, and with procedure for deportation. On the score of utility, the book should prove of much value to all who may be affected by the practical operation of the immigration laws or concerned with their application. On broader grounds, the book is valuable in that it is a real contribution to a correct understanding of an important subject, expressing the fresh point of view of an acute mind, well informed, and uninfluenced by the preconceptions or considerations which may be supposed to affect the administrator on the one hand or the advocate on the other. Respecting particular propositions advanced, or positions taken, by the author, the present writer prefers to make no comment. By way of general criticism, he would say no more than that the author's method leans so far toward the scientific as to seem at times somewhat artificial, and that his tendency to deduce general principles from rather scant materials, and then to press these principles to their logical conclusion in particular cases, savors occasionally of overstraining, in view of the essentially statutory origin of the laws in question and the full control of the subject possessed by the legislature. CHARLES EARL. Diplomatic Negotiations of American Naval Officers, 1778-1883. By Charles Oscar Paullin. (The Albert Shaw Lectures on Diplomatic History, 1911. Lectures on Naval History in the George Washington University.) [Of which fifteen are an analytical index.] Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1912. pp. 380. Price $2.00. Dr. Paullin in this book treats of a subject too little known to the general public. It is confined, necessarily, to "negotiations," though such a limitation gives but a scant idea of the constant duties of the navy connected with diplomatic subjects. A mention of this, however, would not have been out of place in the preface. Within the strict limits covered by the book, the subject is treated with Dr. Paullin's usual thoroughness and full knowledge of his subject. Naturally the first naval diplomat mentioned was that picturesque and, despite many short-comings, heroic character, John Paul Jones. The thirty-two pages devoted to this part of his subject are none too many and in this space Dr. Paullin has interwoven much information of Jones' many-sided life, made up as it was of strenuous effort abroad to add to the force under the American flag; of struggles with French, Dutch, Danish, and other authorities to help in one way and another the cause to which he was attached; of much flirting after the manner of his time, and of much heroism. He was a great adventurer as well as a great naval officer, with broad and sound views of naval policy which, had he lived, might have saved to Napoleon, under whom he probably would have taken service, the fatality of Trafalgar. He died, however, in 1792 on the eve of leaving on a mission to Algiers, for which he was chosen by Jefferson, then our minister to France. Had he gone there, it is scarcely possible that we should ever have arranged to pay the tribute with which our history is stained, though it must be said that we only did what was done by all the others. The early relations with the Barbary Powers receives adequate treatment, considering the space possible in seventy-nine pages. The struggle against their aggressions on our commerce, ended only in 1815, when Decatur, with a very considerable fleet, forced a treaty with Algiers, and thus shamed England into like action next year when a British fleet under Lord Exmouth bombarded Algiers and made a lasting end of Barbary pillage and captivity. It is somewhat unfortunate that Dr. Paullin was not able through its late appearance to give credit to the work of a French author, Monsieur E. Dupuy, whose book, Americains et Barbaresques, 1776-18241 only appearing in the year of Dr. Paullin's lectures, was too late for his use. It is, though by a foreigner, the most complete, satisfactory and withal the most appreciative history of the subject, the importance of which can hardly be exaggerated, as to our Barbary troubles was due the building of a new navy (that of the Revolution having entirely disappeared). It was, too, in the Barbary wars that the navy took form as well as substance. To Preble, Bainbridge, Decatur, Rodgers and their like are due the organization and discipline of this period which brought the great successes of the war of 1812, which redeemed us from the utter humiliation of the early disgraceful events which occurred ashore. And had the negotiations with the Barbary Powers been left wholly in the hands of naval officers, results would have been more satisfactory than they sometimes were. The early relations with China, and the opening of Japan and Korea, with all of which, diplomatically, naval commanders had so much to do, are thoroughly and well treated, as also our early relations with the Sandwich Islands, the first treaty with which by any foreign Power was made by the commander of the U. S. S. Peacock, Thomas Apcatesby 1 Etudes d'Histoire d'Amerique, Americains et Barbaresques, 1776-1824. Paris: R. Roger et F. Chernois, 99 Boulevard Raspail, 1910. Jones, in 1826. Throughout the Pacific, American naval officers have always been active in forwarding our commercial relations and protecting our commerce. As before mentioned, the rather strict adherence to purely diplomatic functions can give but a somewhat narrow idea of the intimate connections of the navy with diplomacy. It thus necessarily leaves aside such incidents as the Kotzka affair, so important in causing the crystallization of our rules regulating the status of foreigners naturalized in the United States; the seizure of the Georgiana and Susan Loud at the time of the second Lopez expedition to Cuba in 1850 (which might not illogically have been included, as Commodore Morris acted at this time as a special commissioner from the Department of State); the events at Greytown in 1882, which ended the filibustering of Walker in Nicaragua; the connection of the navy with the Barrundia affair, in which the administration erred and the naval commander, first censured, was later held to have been diplomatically correct; our difficulties with Chile in 1891; and the firm and bold action of Admiral Benham at Rio de Janeiro in January, 1894, which ended the Brazilian naval revolt. These are but examples of the many instances which, while not strictly diplomatic, as such action is in the regular course of duty, have still a very near relationship to diplomacy. The Navy Department in fact is a co-worker with the Department of State. As expressed by Mr. Edward J. Phelps, when minister to England, "The Navy is the right arm of Diplomacy." It is the avant courier in many questions; some settled offhand; others which may finally be settled in more prolonged negotiations by the State Department. How close this association is may be understood by a remark of Mr. John Hay, when Secretary of State, to the writer: "The naval officers have had many difficult diplomatic questions to deal with in Central America in the last two years, and I want to say that in no case have they ever gone wrong." The later activity of the navy in Central America is well known, and even as this is written (August 24, 1912), ships are again on their way to Nicaragua to take part in the attempt to settle difficulties. Many volumes, however, would be necessary to deal with so extensive a subject as naval diplomacy in the broad sense, and Dr. Paullin was wise to keep within technical bounds. It is not amiss, finally, to say that though the navy is the great school of diplomacy and carries to successful conclusion so many diplomatic questions, a naval officer cannot now occupy a diplomatic post excepting by vacating his commis sion. Such a fact is not commendatory of the justice or good sense which underlies so extraordinary a law. Dr. Paullin's book is in every way to be recommended as a study of its subject. F. E. CHADWICK. Les Questions actuelles de Politique étrangère en Europe. By F. Charmes, A. Leroy-Beaulieu, R. Millet, A. Ribot, A. Vandal, R. de Caix, R. Henry, G. Louis-Jaray, R. Pinon, and A. Tardieu. Paris: Felix Alcan. 1911. pp. 320, maps. Price 6 fr. 50. This is the third and revised edition of a book originally published in 1907. It is the first of a series on contemporary historical and political problems resulting from conferences at the famous Ecole Libre des Sciences Politiques in Paris. The avant-propos contains the following interesting announcement: "This first series of conferences held in 1907 has since then been repeated annually at the Ecole Libre des Sciences Politiques. This year [1911] we shall prepare our fifth series upon the present-day questions of foreign affairs in America." The volume under consideration contains the results of five conferences dealing with the important subjects of English and of German foreign policy, the Austro-Hungarian and the Macedonian questions, and present-day Russia. Each conference consists of a careful study by some leading authority, followed by a brief discours on the part of some distinguished statesman or publicist. Naturally the solid études have more value and interest to the student than the more brilliant discours. These studies aim at impartiality and appear to be remarkably free from national bias or partisanship, though they naturally reflect the French point of view, and French interests are placed frankly in the foreground. M. Robert de Caix gives the following characterization and summary of recent British policy (pp. 1 and 48): "During the last quarter of a century, the foreign policy of England has passed from a great quietude to a crisis of imperialism and colonial appetite, and finally to a renewal of that care for European equilibrium which the English have shown several times in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and at the beginning of the nineteenth century. . . Such has been the foreign policy of England: To eliminate the difficulties between herself and such Powers as she might be able to unite |