less impediments in her system of government, in her monopolies, and her system of commerce. France has the great disability of difference in language to contend with; and the institution of the present French manufactures has never, at any time heretofore, been trained or adapted to American commerce. The only particular and pacific facility which France ever possessed for American intercourse, has for many years been transferred into the British scale by the cession of Canada to Great Britain. The future commerce, between France and America, will chiefly be regulated by such conveniences as France can draw to herself from America, without much aptitude on the part of France, to accommodate her manufactures and commerce to American demands. In short, an interchange of reciprocities between France and America, would run against the stream on both sides; and all established habits, manners, language, together with the principles of government and commerce, would militate against such a system.

Conformably to this reasoning, it appears, that France has not at any time entertained any systematical design of forming any union or consolidation of interests with America. She took up the American cause, as instrumental to her political views in Europe. America likewise accepted the alliance with France, for her separate views, viz. for the establishment of her independence. The alliance, therefore, is completed and terminated, without leaving behind it any political principle of future permanent connexion between them. Occasional circumstances produced a temporary alliance. Similar circumstances may, on any future occasion, produce a similar event of a temporary compact. Dissimilar circumstances, arising from any future political views of the Court of France

in Europe, may without any inconsistency of principle, throw the power of that kingdom into a scale adverse to the future interests of the American States. In such case, therefore, where there cannot exist any permanent political connexion between Frauce and America, and where the commercial attachments can be but feeble, it would be vain to expect in the French nation any such ally, as newly established States ought to look out for, to give maturity and firmness to their constitutions.

As to Spain, every argument which has been stated respecting diversity of language, manners, government, monopolies, and system of commerce, from those which prevail in the United States of America, obtains in a superior degree. And much more to add besides, for Spain is not only incompetent to interchange reciprocities with the American States, but likewise her own situation in America will at all times render ber extremely jealous of her neighbors. The only activity which Spain has exerted in the war, has been to procure a barrier against the American States, by annexing West Florida to her former acquisition of New Orleans; thereby embracing the mouth of the Mississippi, and by means of that river, jointly with her landed possessions, establishing a strong and jealous boundary against any future progress of the American States in those parts. Spain, therefore, cannot be looked upon by the American States as a suitable object of their election, to become a permanent ally and friend to them. Portugal, likewise, labors under all the disabilities of language, manners, monopolies, government and system of commerce. Her national power and importance would be likewise insufficient to constitute a strong and permament ally to the American States. All these nations will

adequate to the unlimited participation of American commerce throughout the rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places of that vast continent. The commercial reciprocities of Holland, therefore, being inferior, on her part, towards America, the next point of view in which Holland is to be considered, as relevant to this question, is, as a nation of power, capable of becoming an effectual and permanent ally and guarantee to the American States, for that is the great object, which America, as a wise nation, recently arisen into independence, ought to keep in view. Holland has certainly been a nation of great and celebrated naval force. She remains so still; but having for many years suspended her exertions of force, and having directed the faculties of her people into the commercial line, she seems not to have any superfluity of force beyond the necessity of providing for her own security; and, certainly, no such redundance of power, as to extend to the protection of distant nations, as allies or guarantees. It appears, therefore, upon the whole of this argument, that Holland, although a commercial nation, cannot even interchange commercial reciprocities with America upon an equal footing, and that her faculties of force are inadequate to those, which America ought to expect in the permanent allies and guarantees of her country.

The independence of the American States being established, their first consideration ought to be, to determine with what friendships and alliances they will enter into the new world of nations. They will look round them, and cast about for some natural, permanent, and powerful ally, with whom they may interchange all cementing reciprocities, both commercial and political. If such an ally be to be found anywhere for them, it is still in Great Britain; at

least, it is certain, that, in looking round Europe, no other is to be found. There is no inherent impossibility to prevent such a connexion from taking place; it must depend on the free will and common interest of the parties. There are all possible faculties on both sides, to give and to receive all adequate and beneficial reciprocities, which are practicable and more likely to be permanent between independent parties, than between two parties, of which one is dependent on the other. Great Britain is, undoubtedly, the first of European nations, in riches, credit, faculties, industry, commerce, manufactures, internal consumption, and foreign export, together with civil liberty, which is the source of all, and naval power, which is the support of all. The dominions appertaining to the Crown of Great Britain are large and fertile; its Colonies still extensive, and in close vicinity to the American States, Great Britain being an American, as well as an European power, and all her empire connected by her naval force.

The territories of the American States, from the Atlantic ocean to the Mississippi, contain an inexhaustible source of riches, industry, and future power. These will be the foundations of great events in the new page of life. Infinite good, or infinite evil, may arise according to the principles upon which the intercourse between Great Britain and America shall be arranged in its foundation. Great Britain and America must be still inseparable, either as friends or foes. This is an awful and important truth. These are considerations not to be thought of slightly; not to be prejudged in passion, nor the arrangements of them to be hastily foreclosed. Time given for consideration may have excellent effects on both sides. The pause of peace, with friendly intercourse, returning affection, and

dispassionate inquiry, can alone decide these important events, or do justice to the anxious expectations of Great Britain and America.

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Gentlemen,

Philadelphia, June 16th, 1783.

I am sorry to inform you, that by the resignation of Mr Livingston as Minister for Foreign Affairs, it has become necessary that you should receive the resolutions of Congress, relative to your mission through my hands. The disadvantage arising from this necessity, until a successor to that worthy gentleman is appointed, will be yours, as it is impossible for me to do more than barely to transmit the acts of Congress necessary for your information.

Enclosed you have one of the 1st of May last, and another of the 12th instant, which I hope will get safe to hand time enough for your government. The coinmission and instructions referred to in the first, not being ready, it was thought best to forward the resolution without delay, that you might know what was intended in the present important period of your negotiation. We have been much surprised, that we have not received any communications from you since the cessation of hostilities, except a letter of the 5th of April, from Mr Laurens.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ELIAS BOUDINOT, President.