most respectable character. It seems M. d'Argaynarat's situation is very particular, and the distress of himself and family very urgent. As in the number of petitions that may be received, it is not possible for Congress to be acquainted with the family affairs of individuals, I hope it is not improper for me to lay before them this particular case; and while it is officially presented by others, not to withhold my certificate of the accounts which respectable characters have given me about M. d'Argaynarat's present distresses. With the highest and most affectionate regard, I have the honor to be, &c. TO JOHN JAY. LAFAYETTE. Paris, February 11th, 1786. Dear Sir, I have not for a long time had the honor to address you, either in public or private letters. This has been owing to a tour I made through several parts of Europe, and to a derangement in the packets, which, to my great concern, I found to have taken place during my absence. In the course of a journey to Prussia, Silesia, the Austrian dominions, and back again to Berlin, I could not but have many opportunities to improve myself by the inspection of famous fields of battle, the conversation of the greatest Generals, and the sight of excellent troops; those of Prussia particularly exceeding my expectations. I had occasions not less numerous to lament the folly of nations, who can bear a despotic government, and to pay a new tribute of respect and attachment to the constitutional principles we had the happiness to establish. Wherever I went, America was of course a topic in the conversation. Her efforts during the contest are universally admired; and in the transactions, which have so gloriously taken place, there is a large field of enthusiasm for the soldier, of wonder and applause for the politician; and to the philosopher, and the philanthropist, they are a matter of unspeakable delight, and I could say of admiration. Those sentiments I had the pleasure to find generally diffused. But to my great sorrow, (and I will the more candidly tell it in this letter, as it can hurt none more than it hurts myself,) I did not find that every remark equally turned to the advantage of my pride, and of that satisfaction I feel in the admiration of the world for the United States. In countries so far distant, under constitutions so foreign to republican notions, the affairs of America cannot be thoroughly understood, and such inconveniences as we lament ourselves are greatly exaggerated by her enemies. It would require almost a volume to relate how many mistaken ideas I had the opportunity to set to rights. And it has been painful for me to hear, it is now disagreeable to mention, the bad effect which the want of federal union, and of effective arrangements for the finances and commerce of a general establishment of militia have had on the minds of European nations. It is foolishly thought by some, that democratical constitutions will not, cannot, last, that the States will quarrel with each other, that a King, or at least a nobility, are indispensable for the prosperity of a nation. But I would not attend to those absurdities, as they are answered by the smallest particle of unprejudiced common sense, and will, I trust, be forever destroyed by the example of America. But it was impossible for me to feel so much unconcerned, when those points were insisted upon, for which I could not but, acknowledge within myself there was some ground; although it was so unfairly broached upon by the enemies of the United States. It is an object with the European governments to check and discourage the spirit of emigration, which, I hope, will increase among the Germans, with a more perfect knowledge of the situation of America. And while I was enjoying the admiration and respect of those parts of the world for the character of the United States; while I was obliged to hear some remarks, which, although they were exaggerated, did not seem to me quite destitute of a foundation, I heartily addressed my prayers to heaven, that by her known wisdom, patriotism, and liberality of principles, as well as firmness of conduct, America may preserve the consequence she has so well acquired, and continue to command the admiration of the world. With the last I have What I now have the honor to write, is the result of conversations with the principal characters in the countries I have visited; and particularly the Austrian and Prussian Ministers, the Emperor, Duke of Brunswick, Prince Henry, a man equally great and virtuous, the Prince Royal, and the King of Prussia. often dined in the company of the Duke of York, second son to his Britannic Majesty, when American affairs past and present were brought on the carpet, and sometimes in a manner not a little embarrassing for an English Prince. My stay at Vienna was short, but I had a very long conference with the Emperor, in which we spoke much of the American trade, and I found he had imbibed British prejudices. The next day Prince de Kaunitz introduced the same subject to me, and expressed some astonishment, that the United States did not make advances towards the Emperor. I answered, advances had been made formerly, and more than were necessary on the part of America, whom there was as much occasion to court, as for her to seek for alliances. But that my attachment to his Imperial Majesty made me wish he would address, on that business, the Ministers of Congress, now at Paris and London, through the medium of his Ambassadors. I added, that the best measure to be taken immediately, was to open the Italian ports to American fish. But I do not think the United States will ever find a very extensive commercial benefit in her treaties with that Court. In everything that concerns France, my respected friend Mr Jefferson will give you sufficient information. The affair of American commerce wears a better prospect than it has hitherto done; so far at least, that a committee has been appointed to hear what we have to say on the tradebetween this kingdom and the United States. The King of Prussia is very unwell, and cannot live many months. His nephew is an honest, firm, military man. From the Emperor's temper a war could be feared. But our system is so pacific, and it will be so difficult for England to involve us in a quarrel without acting a part which she has no interest to do, that I do not think the tranquillity of Europe will be deranged. Holland is checking Stadtholderian influence, but no further. The King of Naples and his father are quarrelling on account of a Minister, leaning to the House of Bourbon, and devoted to other powers, whom the son wants to keep. I had lately an opportunity to know, that the last revolt in Peru has lost a hundred thousand lives; but from the same account I find that those people are far remote from the ideas which lead to a sensible revolution. I have the honor to be, &c. LAFAYETTE. TO JOHN JAY. Dear Sir, Paris, October 28th, 1786. Owing to several circumstances, and particularly to a journey I have made through some garrison towns, your favor of June the 16th has reached me very late. That there should remain the least doubt with M. Gardoqui respecting the adoption of the English limits, is a matter of amazement to me. The original letter having been sent I herewith enclose a copy, with a few observations. I think its presentation to M. Gardoqui, will the better convince him, as he knows Count de Florida Blanca's respect - for his own word of honor. And may I be allowed to add, that the more this letter is known, the better it will impress the public with ideas favorable to the Spaniards, and the Spaniards, with a sense of engagements, which men of honor cannot trifle with.* As to the navigation of the Mississippi, you know better than I what are the strong prejudices of that Court against it. But we both know equally well, that in a little time we must have the navigation one way or other, which I hope Spain may at last understand. It has been said in some newspapers, that the Floridas should be given up to France. But nothing has come to our knowledge, which gives the least ground for an idea of that kind. As Mr Jefferson sends you a letter relative to commerce, which improves the condition of the treaty with England, whereby she has no claims on the favors enjoyed by the United States, although she is to be treated * See these letters to and from Count de Florida Blanca, above, pp. 30, 32. |