be two hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars, together with other valuable property. As soon as the people recovered from their surprise, they arose and hotly pursued the felons, who sought safety by returning on stolen horses across the frontier into Canada. The Canadian municipal agents seem to have co-operated with the pursuers from Vermont with alacrity and diligence. Twelve of the robbers were arrested, stripped of their plunder, and taken into custody by the Canadian authorities. It is also understood that a considerable part of the recovered property was promptly restored to its owners. A request, similar in its character to the former one, has been addressed by the Secretary of State to Mr. Burnley, as will appear in the papers which accompany this note. It must be obvious to your lordship that at the time of the adoption of the arrangement between the two governments in April, 1817, which limited their naval forces on the lakes, a condition of things like the present could scarcely have been anticipated. The purpose clearly was to prevent either party from keeping up a force which might endanger the other; thus entailing upon both the necessity of maintaining a more or less burdensome armament. It certainly did not contemplate the possible intervention of a third party, ill-disposed to both, which should malignantly avail itself of the known provisions of the compact for the purpose of working certain mischief to that which it hated the most, and possible injury even to the other, by provoking strife between the two. Neither could it have foreseen the precise position in which her Majesty's government has been placed by recognizing as belligerents persons capable of abusing the privileges conceded by that measure to the most malicious purposes. In view of these most extraordinary events, against the recurrence of which on the Canadian side no provision adequate to meet the immediate exigency seems to have been made on the part of her Majesty's government, it would seem to be the imperative duty of the United States to provide at once some stringent measures. Inroads by marauding ruffians upon the population of the United States on that border cannot be tolerated. Among the papers which I have the honor to lay before you, I beg, in this connexion, to call to your notice a letter of the Secretary of the Treasury, directing the outfit of two steam propellersone upon Lake Erie, and the other on Lake Ontario with the object of checking, and if possible suppressing, depredations on the trade or attacks upon the population connected with those waters. In consequence, however, of the later outrage perpetrated at St. Albans, I am directed to say that the preceding measures are not deemed by any means adequate to answer the desired purpose. The proceedings taken together are regat regarded as deserving of further and prompt action on the part of her Majesty's government, in order to avert the danger of ultimate conflict upon the Canadian borders. It gives me great satisfaction to be able to acknowledge to your lordship that the Canadian executive authority has thus far co-operated with my government in faithful and diligent efforts to bring these disturbers of the public peace to due account. It is a matter of certainty, though not perhaps susceptible of judicial proof, that all movements of this character are set on foot by a notorious person named Jacob Thompson, who, with other disloyal citizens of the United States, is temporarily domiciled in Canada, and furnished with funds by his coadjutors at home for these iniquitous operations, through the banking institutions of that province. It is impossible not to feel their presence and their activity in that region to be a constant threat against the safety of the people occupying the entire long line of the border. I am, therefore, with great regret, instructed to give this formal notice to your lordship, that, in conformity with the treaty reservation of the right at the expiration of six months from the date of this note, the United States will deem themselves at liberty to increase the naval armament upon the lakes, if in their judgment the condition of affairs in that quarter shall then require it. In taking this step, I am desired to assure your lordship hip that it is resorted to only as an indispensable measure to the national defence; and, so far from being in a spirit of hostility, that it springs from a wish no less earnest than heretofore to preserve the most friendly relations with Great Britain. I take pleasure in adding, that it is the fixed purpose of my government, in every case, to direct its energies to the prevention of all attempts to invade the British territory, whether by way of retaliation or otherwise. The questions that grow out of the present anomalous state of things are deemed of not less importance to the interests of her Majesty's possessions than they are to the people of the United States. The failure to maintain a rigid neutrality on the Canadian border at this day may become a fruitful source of excuse for similar delinquency at some period or other on our side of the line whenever the temptation may arise. It is not for my government to indicate the precise means to be adopted by her Majesty's government to insure a more perfect observance of that neutrality on her side. I may, however, be permitted to suggest on its behalf an opinion, that a policy similar to that which was inaugurated under circumstances not altogether unlike, by the enactment of the law of the 10th March, 1838, already alluded to in the early part of this note, might be followed with advantage to Great Britain in the American provinces during the continuance of the present struggle. I should fail, however, in executing the whole duty imposed upon me, if I were not to repeat the expression of the sincere conviction of my government, that practically the policy of neutrality which her Majesty has proclaimed has failed, as well in the British home ports as in the colonies, but most especially in the latter; and, moreover, that it must continue to fail more conspicuously every day so long as an asylum is opened there to active emissaries of the enemies of the United States, who have it in their power to use, by means fair or foul, the British ports and British borders as a base for felonious depredations of every description against the people of the United States. Neither is it deemed possible to arrive at any remedy adequate to meet the present exigency, other than a recognition by her Majesty's government of the just and exclusive sovereignty of the United States in all the waters and all the territory heretofore legally under the jurisdiction of the government. In the use of the word exigency, the full sense of its effect is perfectly understood. The welfare and prosperity of the neighboring British provinces are as sincerely desired on its part as they can be by Great Britain. In a practical sense they are sources of wealth and influence for the one country only in a less degree than for the other, though the jurisdiction appertains only to the latter. That this is the sincere conviction of my government has been proved by its consent to enter into relations of reciprocal free commerce with them almost as intimate as those which prevail between the several States of the Union themselves. Thus far the disposition has been, to remain content with those relations under any and all circumstances, and that disposition will doubtless continue; provided, always, that the amity be reciprocated, and that the peace and harmony on the border indispensable to its existence be firmly secured. The fulfilment of that obligation must be, however, as your lordship cannot fail to perceive, at a glance, the essential and paramount condition of the preservation of the compact. Even were my government to profess its satisfaction with less, it must be apparent that by the very force of circumstances, peace could scarcely be expected to continue long, in a region where no adequate security should be afforded to the inhabitants against mutual aggression and reprisal. Political agitation, terminating at times in civil strife, is shown by experience to be incident to the lot of mankind, however combined in society. Neither is it an evil confined to any particular region or race. It has happened heretofore in Canada, and what is now a scourge, afflicting the United States, may be likely at some time or other to revisit her. In view of these very obvious possibilities, I am instructed respectfully to submit to her Majesty's government the question whether it would not be the part of wisdom to establish such a system of repression now as might prove a rock of safety for the rapidly multiplying population of both countries for all future time. I pray your lordship to accept the assurance of the highest consideration with which I have the honor to be, my lord, your lordship's most obedient servant, The Right Hon. EARL RUSSELL, &c., &c., &c. [Enclosures.] 1. Mr. Fessenden to Mr. Seward, September 23, 1864 2. Mr. Seward to Mr. Fessenden, September 30, 1864. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. 3. General Hitchcock to Mr. Stanton, (telegram,) September 23, 1864. 4. Mr. Fessenden to Mr. Seward, September 30, 1864. 5. Mr. Seward to Mr. Burnley, October 1, 1864. 6. Mr. Burnley to Mr. Seward, October 4, 1864. 7. Mr. Thurston to Mr. Seward, (three enclosures,) October 20, 1864. 8. Mr. Seward to Mr. Burnley, October 21, 1864. 9. Mr. Burnley to Mr. Seward, October 23, 1864. 10. Same to same, October 23, 1864. 11. Colonel Van Buren to Mr. Seward, October 26, 1864. 12. Major Austin to General Dix, October 23, 1864. 13. Governor of Vermont to Major Austin, (telegram,) October 19, 1864. [For enclosures numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, and 7, see Mr. Seward's No. 1136, Part 2, Diplomatic Correspondence for 1864; and for numbers 5, 6, 8, 9, and 10, see Correspondence with British legation, same series.] Little has happened worthy of note this week. The cabinet meetings have been very numerous for some time past, which has given rise to some speculations both here and in the French press. It is, however, supposed that projects of materially reducing the annual charges for the military and naval service chiefly engage the attention of ministers. Mr. Gladstone is understood to be anxious to return to a peace footing, and to that end some indirect pressure has been applied to the French government to secure a quieting co-operation. Any proceeding in this direction cannot but be received with favor by us, inasmuch as it shows less and less apprehension of difficulties on our side of the water. But whatever may have been the topics for cabinet discussion, I infer from the announcement of Lord Russell's return at the close of the week to his country place, that they have been disposed of at least for some time. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. No. 823.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. [Extract.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, December 1, 1864. SIR: I transmit herewith a copy of the London Times, of this morning, containing a letter addressed by Lord Russell to the three rebel emissaries who were directed to present to him the manifesto which has been issued from Richmond. * * * * * * I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, * * CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, &c., Sc., &c. [From the London Times of December 1, 1864.-Extract.] FOREIGN OFFICE, November 25, 1864. GENTLEMEN: I have had the honor to receive the copy which you have sent me of the manifesto issued by the Congress of the so-called Confederate States of America. Her Majesty's government deeply lament the protracted nature of the struggle between the northern and southern States of the formerly united republic of North America. Great Britain has since 1783 remained, with the exception of a short period, connected by friendly relations with both the northern and the southern States. Since the commencement of the civil war, which broke out in 1861, her Majesty's government have continued to entertain sentiments of friendship equally for the north and for the south. Of the causes of the rupture her Majesty's government have never presumed to judge; they deplore the commencement of this sanguinary struggle, and anxiously look forward to the period of its termination. In the mean time they are convinced that they best consult the interests of peace, and respect the rights of all parties, by observing a strict and impartial neutrality. Such a neutrality her Majesty has faithfully maintained, and will continue to maintain. I request you, gentlemen, to accept, &c., &c., J. SLIDELL, Esq., J. MASON, Esq., and A. DUDLEY MANN, Esq. RUSSELL. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 824.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, December 1, 1864. SIR: I have received a visit this morning from T. B. Potter, esq., the president of the Union and Emancipation Society of Manchester, who had been deputed to convey to me an engrossed copy of certain resolutions adopted by that society, in order that it may be transmitted to the President of the United States. Accordingly, I have the honor to send it forward by the present opportunity. The fact is not undeserving of notice in America that many similar popular expressions of sympathy with the renewed manifestation of confidence in the President, shown by the issue of the election, have taken place. I have received copies of newspapers from various parts of the kingdom containing earnest and strong language of rejoicing and congratulation; and likewise private notes from individuals unknown to me, who show proof of familiar acquaintance with the principles which underlie the contest, and an ardent desire for the success of the righteous cause. It is highly advisable to bear in mind the existence of this strong feeling among a portion of the people of England, in order to avoid rushing too hastily to the belief that the hostility so strongly manifested by some is to be imputed to almost all. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. [Enclosure.] Address of the Union and Emancipation Society to his excellency Abraham Lincoln on his re-election to the Presidency, November 8, 1864. SIR: We hasten to congratulate you on the welcome intelligence that you have again been elected to the high dignity of President of the United States of America; an election which, whilst it has sealed the fate of slavery in your great country, cannot fail, under the circumstances of the case, to impress thoughtful minds "as being one of the most sublime spectacles in the whole history of the world." Ever since the Baltimore convention adopted its platform of enlightened patriotism and radical anti-slavery principles, and so unanimously nominated you for the Presidency, we have not faltered for one moment in our conviction that the people of the free States of your great republic would be true to their instincts and highest aspirations, and that their vote on the 8th of November, 1864, would prove them loyal to liberty, unity, and nationality. Nobly have they responded to the claims of duty and humanity; and gloriously have they vindicated and illustrated the value and safety of popular representative government, proving themselves worthy of those free institutions and beneficent social arrangements that grow out of enlightened, educated, and civilized commonwealths. The federal Union and Constitution are dearly and wisely prized by them as a sacred trust bequeathed by their forefathers, and ought not to be yielded in the spirit of compromise or concession to that system of cruelty and iniquity, human slavery, which has been the blot on your national reputation. We mourn with you over the desolation that civil war is making among the families and homes of your people who have given their choicest sons, their bravest brothers, their best beloved of earth, and who are still heroically struggling to save the national life, with all that freemen hold dear, and that brave men cling to, equal, civil, and political liberty for men of all races, creeds, and countries; and we believe that they will succeed. Already, during the term of your first presidency, you have conquered for freedom an area of one million three hundred thousand square miles, which three years ago was claimed by the rebels, and doubtless your brave and patriotic armies will, ere long, wrest the remaining three hundred and forty thousand square miles from the grasp of the slaveholders' confederacy. We rejoice in your re-election "because we have observed in your presidential career a grand simplicity of purpose, and a patriotism that knows no danger and which does not falter." We have recognized in you "an honest endeavor faithfully to do the work of your great office, and in doing it, a brightness of personal honor on which no adversary has yet been able to fix a stain." We believe that you have been raised up by the providence of God to rescue your nation from anarchy, disruption, and ruin. By this election your people have pledged to the world their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, that they will redeem your great country from the crime and curse of slavery: that it shall indeed, and without exception, be the home of the free and the brave; and that its government, in form and in administration, shall continue to be "the best and freest, the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men that the sun of Heaven ever shone upon." We have deplored the undisguised sympathy which has been manifested towards the slave confederacy in this country; but we rejoice to be able to assure you that from the very commencement of the struggle the great majority of the working classes and no inconsiderable proportion of the middle class, together with the profoundest thinkers of our country, have been true to the principles of right and liberty: and by their united voice have prevented any hostile action on the part of those who were only too anxious to recognize an empire based upon the "corner-stone" of slavery. We are not unmindful of the fact that in advocating the full and complete adoption of the principles of civil, religious, and political liberty, the destinies of the peoples of this nation and of America are inseparably linked together; and we believe that we declare the conviction of all intelligent, honest, and unprejudiced lovers of liberty and justice, when we express our unshaken faith that you will crush the rebellion, restore the Union, maintain your national integrity, and thereby secure the priceless heritage of freedoin to your people through all generations. Adopted by the executive of the Union and Emancipation Society, Manchester, November 28, 1864. SIR: Lord Russell has sent me still another note in regard to the Deerhound. I forward copies of his note and of my answer. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. [Enclosures.] 1. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams, November 29, 1864. 2. Mr. Adams to Lord Russell, December 1, 1864. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams. FOREIGN OFFICE, November 29, 1864. SIR: In acknowledging your letter of the 10th instant, I have no wish to prolong the controversy between us on the topic of the Deerhound and the rescue of Captain Semmes and other persons from drowning. On the general subject I refer you to the despatch which I have addressed to Lord Lyons, and of which I have had the honor to send you a copy in my note of this day. There are, however, two points to which I wish to call your attention. The first is, that you have omitted to notice the gist of my answer to your complaint. The question is not so much whether the act of the commander of the Deerhound, in interposing to save from drowning Captain Semmes and other officers and men of the Alabama, was "a praiseworthy act of humanity," and whether any proposal to restore them to the hands of the victors in the struggle after they had reached the limits of this kingdom could be viewed only "as a violation of the duties of hospitality." These considerations, I say, are not so much at issue as the question, What is the legal obligation, with regard to these matters, of her Majesty's government towards the United States? On this question I affirmed 1. That the municipal law of this kingdom gave the government no power or authority to deliver up to the United States Captain Semmes, his officers, and men. 2. That the law of nations does not impose upon the government of the United Kingdom the duty of delivering up to the United States persons in the condition of Captain Semmes and such of his officers and men as had taken refuge in this kingdom. The next point regards the differences between the United States and Spain, to which I referred. I do not wish to go fully into it now, although I may hereafter do so in correspondence with the government of the United States. I will only point out at present the |