duty imposed on them amounted to within a fraction of 50s., or, in other words, that there was a tax of nearly 150 per cent. on the raw commodity. (Hear, hear.) This was what might be called a pretty severe tax on the agriculture of the country; but fortunately, it did not fall upon the agriculturists alone; all classes of the community concurred in opposing the tax; so that it could not now be thrown into the teeth of the landlords and farmers that they were petitioning only for themselves, and did not care what became of the rest of the people. The labourers in agriculture and manufactures were equally oppressed, and even those who were able to make the enormous sacrifice that was necessary to procure a wholesome beverage, were again checked and unable to do it on account of the miserable monopoly of the licensing system. What was the consequence of this? That they were driven to the use of ardent spirits, to the ruin of their industry, the degradation of their morals, and the destruction of their health. (Cheers.) It had been his fortune to spend a great part of his early life in Kent, at a time when the trade of smuggling was scarcely checked, and the consequence was, that the lower classes of the county universally resorted to that pernicious liquor called gin. And what was the result? Why, that there was scarcely a man who was able to do a good day's work in the whole county; to which he might add, that his father's house was every night surrounded by thieves, on the look-out for any thing that might have been left unguarded or exposed to their depredations. Such were the blessings derived from the use of ardent spirits. (Hear.) He should perform his promise of being as concise as possible; but he must entreat them, on an occasion so important as the present, not to give way to any sort of exaggeration. Men were not always aware of the mischief that arose from painting a picture too highly, or representing things as they were not really. He remembered an instance of this, which took place in that very Castle-yard, on the occasion of a public meeting being held respecting the Corn Laws. One of the persons present on that occasion stated that in the opposite port, on the Continent, there was sufficient corn to supply the consumption of the country for seven years. Had he stated seven days, instead of seven years, he (Sir Robert) thought he would have exceeded the fact. But what was the consequence? Instead of the statement being treated with the ridicule it deserved, it went the round of the public papers; was bandied backward and forward on both sides of the House of Commons; and, in more ways than one, did incalculablé mischief to the cause (Hear, hear); and he was sure that he had a right to complain of it, for he was set down as the author of the assertion. "Resolved, That Richard Thorold, Esq., In connexion with the repeal of the malt du- Sheriff of this county, by refusing to convene ties, a most important question was sometimes a County Meeting, on a requisition most unaasked, How the tax was to be replaced? He nimously signed by the Gentry, Clergy, and was not the Chancellor of the Exchequer; Yeomanry, has shown an unwarrantable conand unless they were shortly to have a better tempt for the wishes of the county, and has Chancellor of the Exchequer than those feeble set a most dangerous example, tending to demen who, of late years, had exercised, or prive the people of England of their legitimate

rather left unexercised, the important functions of that office, the country was not likely to be much better off. (Hear, hear.) But he did not pretend to say that the tax would be repealed; it was true that pamphlets had been published for the purpose of endeavouring to show that the additional consumption would be the means of restoring the amount of the tax; but his object was to petition that all the taxes should be done away with (Bravo, and a laugh); he meant all the taxes on malt and beer. In his opinion, the increased consumption would do nothing towards keeping the tax at its present produce; for supposing half the tax should be repealed, what was gained by the additional consumption might add to the amount of malt duties, but it would as certainly be absorbed by the deficiency in the amount of duties on ardent spirits. (Hear, hear.) But he would say at once that he did not wish that the tax should be replaced, because he knew that by a long, decided, and radical economy, by a new organization and diminution of the army, by a reduction of its pay and pensions, every deficiency in the taxes might be supplied. (Cheers.) A great deal of talk was made about the necessity of keeping the national faith with the public creditor; but in his opinion the doing so would be the breaking that faith with the grossest injustice towards all the rest of the community. He did not mean to say that the Government ought to be blamed for the alteration in the circulating medium, or for reducing that which was once exclusively British circulation to the circulation of all Europe; he believed that in time of peace such a course was necessary; but he objected to their now paying the interest of what was borrowed at a depreciated currency in the advanced currency of the present time. (Hear, hear.) Those who were calling out loudest respecting the national faith with the public creditor, knew that it could not be done; they knew that in the very first year of a war, the whole system must be put an end to. His object was to anticipate that time, to prevent its running to the last, and to put an end to a system which carried with it the destruction of thousands, and the ruin of millions. He trusted, therefore, that the petition would meet with the unanimous approbation of the meeting. The eyes of all England were upon them, every county was waiting for the issue: Lincolnshire had for once, at least, taken the lead; and if they gave their unanimous support to the present proposition, their resolutions would be echoed through the whole of the empire, and they and the people of England must ultimately prevail. (Cheers.)

The following is the resolution which was proposed to the meeting by the Hon. Baronet in the course of his speech:

rights and constitutional privileges, in a manner inconsistent with the due and imparfial exercise of his official duty. Resolved, that the above resolution be printed in the county papers."

with the Hon. Baronet who had first addressed them, and cordially concurred in the proposed resolution. It was altogether a matter of public duty; and the High Sheriff, by refusing to call the meeting, had not behaved either Mr. SHIELD seconded the resolution. In his well or respectfully to the country.opinion, the county of Lincoln had acted most (Bravo!) During the period that he had wisely, and had shown its independence by been in London, he had attended being the first to come forward on this im- meeting relative to the subject they were purtant question. The question of malt, how that day called on to petition about, and he ever, was not the only one that pressed so knew that the conduct of the Sheriff in refusseverely upon the country; for if the importa-ing to call the county of Lincoln together, had tion of foreign corn was permitted to go on much longer, the end of it would be that they would not have bread to eat, and then drinking would be of very little use. (Laughter and applause.)

been a subject of general interest and painful regret. At the meeting which he had thought it his duty to attend, he had heard the conduct of the High Sheriff censured in the warmest manner. It had been justly said that the eyes Sir EDWARD F. BROOMHEAD was quite of of all England were on that meeting; and he opinion that a most unconstitutional example hoped, now that they had met, that they had been set on the present occasion: the would, by their firmness, by their determinaright of the people of England to meet, through tion, and by their unanimity, influence other the proper authorities, on any subject that counties to follow their example; and when was not dangerous to the public peace, was the whole country took up the question, he indisputable. He, however, did hope, that had no doubt that it would influence Ministers the mover of the resolution would revise it in to discharge their duty, which on this point one part, which appeared to him to be per- they had neglected, and induce them to instisonally offensive to the High Sheriff: the tute such an inquiry into the distress of the phrase that he alluded to was, that of showing country as would lead to some measure of an unwarrantable contempt." For his own relief. He hoped too that they would reduce part, he had not seen any of it. On the con- the taxation which now pressed so very heavily trary, the Sheriff's letter was uncommonly on the country, and bore it down to ruin, and civil and gentlemanlike. (Cries of No, no, go fully into the discussion of all the causes of laughter, and hisses.) He also begged to re-distress, so that the people should have no mind the meeting of another thing, which was, that the High Sheriff had most handsomely given the County Hall and Castle-yard for them to meet in that day. (Laughter and uproar.) If Sir Robert Heron, therefore, did not wish to withdraw the words "unwarrantable contempt," which he hoped he would-(Cries of" I hope he won't," hisses.)

Sir ROBERT HERON: I can assure you that I have always considered the High Sheriff as a man of liberal principles and gentlemanlike conduct; but my personal regard for him must sot and shall not interfere with the duty which I owe to the country. (Applause.) The words that I have used, I have used after due consideration; and let me add, that they are not applied in any way to his private character, but to his public conduct.

more cause to complain of their neglect. (Hear.) He had heard with shame, and he should not deserve the respect of his fellow-countrymen, he should not deserve to exist, he should have no pleasure in any of the luxuries and comforts he enjoyed, (and he had his full share of them,) he should not deserve to be there, if he had not heard with shame, that the members, on the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Cornwall, refused to go into any inquiry as to the cause of the great distress of the people. He had, he was happy to say, attended in his place on that occasion, though many of the representatives of the people had neglected their duty, and had given that motion all the support in his power. He trusted and hoped that the strong expression of public opinion, beginning with that meeting, would make such a profound impression on the feelings of the whole country, that the Ministry would not be able to deny to the general voice what they had refused to some individuals. He differed from the Hon. Baronet in his opinion of the words applied to the conduct of the Sheriff, and he hoped that the meeting would unanimously agree to the resolution. (Great applause.)

Colonel SIBTHORPE said, he had great pleature in meeting his brother freeholders and freemen, he believed he might say, on that occasion, to discuss one of the most important questions that could ever come before the public. Till he came to the hustings, he had not seen the resolution to be proposed relative to the conduct of the Sheriff. Generally, be did not coincide in the language which had been used by the Hon. Baronet. He knew Sir EDWARD FFRENCH BROOMHEAD said, as nothing of the Sheriff; nothing whatever of he understood the Hon. Baronet to mean nohis private character, and meant to speak of thing personal by the words he had objected him only as he had, in the exercise of his dis-to, he would not destroy the unanimity of the cretion, thought right to refuse to call a meeting by pressing his amendment. County meeting, when the requisition had The resolution was then put by the Chairbeen most numerously signed. He knew him man, and carried by acclamation. As was also only as a public man, aud could not use to- a resolution, that this resolution be printed wards him any of those expressions of forbear-in the county papers.

ance or civility which the Hon. Baronet seem- Colonel JOHNSON was very happy to meet ed to desire. He agreed completely and fully his fellow-freeholders, and he should have the

to accommodate its expenditure to this new
order of things, which it has itself created.
"That the burden is now intolerable, and
must be lightened.

"That they are hostile to agriculture, and equally disadvantageous to manufacture, for they deprive us of the use of our own produce, and send millions of pounds out of the country to purchase the produce of foreign soils.

"That they deprive the people of their national beverage, forcing them to the use of noxious drugs and ardent spirits.

"That those obnoxious taxes fall principally upon the middle and labouring classes; and that the effect is to demoralise the one and to make the other dissatisfied.

"We, your petitioners, therefore, humbly pray your Honourable House that you would be pleased to repeal forthwith those odious taxes, and grant that the trade in beer may be made free."

honour to present to them for their adoption a petition relative to the repeal of the duties on inalt and beer. He meant not to trouble them at any length, but to stick close to the question. Sir Robert Heron had said that these duties "We, therefore, under a perfect conviction were 150 per cent. on the cost of the article: that taxes must be remitted to a great amount, he begged leave to correct that single observ-beg to point out to your Honourable House the ation; these duties were 200 per cent. (Hear, injurious nature of the taxes on malt and hear.) They were duties also which operated beer. in the most odious and oppressive manuer, affecting all the poorer classes. He hoped to call things by their proper names, and he meant to do so. They all knew the words that a publican was obliged by law to write over his door-" Licensed to sell Malt Liquors." Now, the meaning of these words was very contrary to what they were supposed to imply. Besides the duties on malt and beer, there were also duties on hops; and the meaning of these words really were-a license to collect the public revenue. If he went into a publichouse and asked for a quart of beer, the landlord might be disposed to make him pay 2d. for it; and he would be well disposed to do this, but there was, in fact, an exciseman at his elbow, who, for every 2d. he charged, made him pay 4d. to the excise. If he went to a public-house, and was made to pay 6d. for a pot of beer, he should think it a great hardship; and he did not think it made any difference that 4d. of his went to the excise, and 2d. to the landlord. (Laughter.) The words, therefore, meant a license to collect the revenue of the excise. (Hear.) He did not exaggerate; he had no occasion; it was only necessary to describe the thing fairly, The duties were altogether a most hateful tax. There was also the excise duty on hops, and a man could not grow a stalk of hops for his own use, without being liable to a penalty of 201. (That's true.) Aman could not make his own malt in his own way; and to get rid of these odious taxes would be a great benefit to the public. He did not advocate the abolition of them as an advantage to the landlord, but to the public generally; and he hoped that they would receive the petition unauimously. The eyes of all England were on their decision. He knew that some of the Ministers thought light of county meetings; but they would not, and could not, think light of the general opinion of the country, if strongly expressed and strongly enforced by its representatives, as he hoped it would be, if that meeting set the example. (Bravo, bravo!) He trusted the petition, which he would then read, would be unanimously supported. Colonel Johnson then read the following petition to the Honourable the House of Com

mons:

"We, the undersigned inhabitants of the County of Lincoln, call upon your Honourable House, beseeching you earnestly, though respectfully, that you will give your undivided attention to the insupportable distress which pervades the country.

"We humbly represent that taxation, excessive as it was at the conclusion of the war, has become far more so by the change in the value of money.

"That it is incumbent on the Government

Major HANDLEY seconded the motion for the adoption of the petition. He was confident it would be found generally acceptable. If the petition were not good, he was sure the character of Colonel Johnson would make them receive it with favour and indulgence. (Bravo!) But he did not use the character of any man to impose on them a measure of a doubtful utility, and the petition was, he thought, so good that it might well stand on its own legs. The petition went on the great principle that taxation was excessive, and was carried beyond what the nation could bear. true.) It must therefore be reduced. Under (True, such circumstances, it would follow that all taxation, even supposing it justly and fairly levied on the whole community, and the best taxation which could be levied, must be reduced; but the taxes they now wished to have repealed were neither just nor impartial; they were not levied on the whole community, but They fell altogether on the middle and labouron part of it, the least able to bear the burden. ing classes. To the labouring classes beer was a necessary of life; some drink they must have; and, as they could not get beer, they took to gin, which made them unfit to live. The Government had proved its partiality by reducing the taxes on tea and coffee; which were the luxuries of the rich, which were also the produce of a foreign land, and consuming which took away the employment from our people. Beer was the produce of our own fields, or the manufacture of our own people; and using it gave employment to our own la bourers. In looking at the causes of our distress, some people would not look straight forward, they looked to the right or the left, and would squint. (Bravo.) The only cause of all our distress was excessive taxation. It and labour of employment. The funds, too, was taxation which deprived capital of profit, that were taken from the industry of the country and carried into the Exchequer, were doled out among the idle and the luxurious. They.

*

spend his property in his own neighbourhood. He should be glad to see the taxes on beer He was some time ago passing down Regent-done away, and instead of gin, that the people street, and he could hardly get along by the should drink good ale; but unless the publicconflux of carriages which were putting down house monopoly was at the same time done persons at two shops, that contained nothing away, he did not think they would gain much. but some new fashions imported from Paris, This monopoly levied a tax of three millions or from some other foreign place. For things on the people, without contributing one farof that kind people had to pay tenfold thing to the revenue. In fact, it diminished their value; and after they had bought them the revenue, by diminishing consumption. they were of no use. He rejoiced that they The Government violated the most approved had come there to petition against the taxes principles of taxation in taxing hops, and that on malt and beer, which were heavy, partial, tax also ought to be done away. So far he and oppressive; affecting the labouring classes believed that what he had said was consistent chiefly, whom they compelled to have re- with the views of the other gentlemen present, course to the obnoxious liquor gin. He had and he thanked the meeting for the attention bought a bottle of this, and not having the it had paid him ; but what he had yet to say he power, like the Fire-King, of resisting poisons, was afraid might not be so well received. he had been quite satisfied with the smell. Something had been said about public proHe understood that three gin-shops, in the perty. He hoped that nothing was meant to neighbourhood of Covent-garden, sold 400 be undertaken against the fundholder, and gallons of gin per month, or about 1,300 glasses against the property of the church. (Voices each day; and he had heard of one house that in the crowd, "Against both!") Major Handhad sold 350 glasses before breakfast. Porter, ley explained that his observations had applied as at present made, was half composed of semi to the Crown Lands. pepper, quassia, liquorice, coculus Indicus, and nux vomica. If it were examined it could not be sold, and it was principally intended to give employment to informers. He had a great respect for the law, but it was impossible to approve of a law, from the punishment of which an honest man could not escape.demanded the abolition of too many taxes on They had often before met, and he hoped they articles of consumption, that the Government would often again meet, to express their sen- would be obliged to have recourse to an intiments fearlessly and boldly, and convince the come tax; and he did not want any such Government that they had both the power and thing, and he hoped none such would be the will to resist oppression. He hoped speed-adopted. He was an enemy also to free trade, ily again to meet the county, and hear the people give instructions to their representatives to promote an inquiry into the causes of our distress, and endeavour to remove it. He would not then, as the day was so very cold, trespass longer on their patience, as he should probably speak more at length when he got with them into warmer quarters, and when he and they had something better in their stomachs than the cold air.-(Applause.),

Sir E. FFRENCH BROOMHEAD was of opinion that the price of beer was much too high. He was also of opinion, that the Government had acted unwisely and unfairly. It had reduced the duties on rum, on brandy, on wine, and on every thing except beer. Either the duties ought to have been left on the other articles, or the duties on beer ought to have been reduced. The consequence was, that respectable people had been driven to drink drams, who would formerly have been ashamed of it. He would be the last man to object to the comforts of the people; he did not, like some people, look on beer drinking as a crime, but he was averse to gin drinking from its ruinous consequences. The labourers of Eugland worked better than those of some other countries, only because they were better fed; they were formerly used to have meat and beer; in harvest time they now had both, and then they probably did more work than any other peo ple. Farmers' servants who were well fed, worked well, as they all knew, and he should like to see the time come when our labourers again got plenty of meat and beer. (Bavo.)

Sir E. F. BROOMHEAD: There was a great deal of exaggeration with respect to them. They were already included in the sources of public revenue; and did not, he believed, produce more than 200,000. a-year. (Take the parson's property.) He was afraid, if they

unless it were all free; and while the farmer was called on to submit to a free trade in wool and in corn, he was not allowed to have a free trade in bank-notes. The people were not allowed to have free trade in public-houses, nor free trade in game, nor free trade to India, nor free trade to China, nor free trade in any thing but in the produce of their bitterest enemies. The country did not want the loug coarse wool of foreigners, but with it the trade was free to the injury of the farmer. He wanted to see trade universally free, or else protection afforded to the British farmer. They would best show the moderation of their pro ceedings by disclaiming any intention of meddling with property; and to express his own. views, he had drawn up an amendment, which he hoped Colonel Johnson would allow to form part of the petition. Sir Edward then read the following amendment:

"Your petitioners at the same time dis tinctly disavow any intention to urge the adoption of measures which may endanger the public credit, or the honour and safety of the kingdom, and they especially deprecate any financial measures or arrangements which may lead to the imposition of an Income Tax in time of peace."

[The meeting, on hearing the amendment read, called out loudly, "No, no."]

Mr. WRIGHT, of Brattelby, secunded the amendment.

Colonel JOHNSON opposed it. He did not want an Income Tax: he wanted the Govern ment expenditure reduced, and if the Chancel-