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our independence. Here, therefore, is an likely to produce a change of councils, to in-. end to all or liberties, as far as relates to the cur the imputation of enmity to your counconduct and ineasures of the ministry of the try and your King?

-In England, when day. To disapprove being a mark of disloy the hour of conflict shall come, and come, alty and disattection, there is nothing left to in all human probability, it speedily will, us but to approve ; and, let it be observed, there will not be found, supposing all heart3 that, as in principle, so in the practice, this united, one man too many. For those, doctrine applies to persons in parliament as therefore, who would divide them, who well as to those without. Blessed state of would mark out as traitors all those who freedom! Precious fruit of our " invaluable cannot keep silence and who will not apconstitution !" Irresistible stimulus to plaud the measures of the minister, who reexertion, to fight and to shed one's blood! ject all support of the country not given conHeart-cheering signal for an on-set: death, jointly with a support of Mr. Pitt, what ap“ or the privilege of applauding Pitt !"- pellation can be too harsh, what punishment If ever there was a time, when every tting, tvo severe? To accuse their opponents of a whereby men may be alienated from the

go- want of loyalty and patriotism is ever the vernment (by which I mean King and par- last resource of a bailled ministry ; and, liament and the courts of justice) should be sometimes it may succeed; but, in the times carefully abstained from;, if ever there was that are approaching it will not; for, the a time, when the people should see and hear course of events, which, forthe last seven nothing to make them dobt of the reality years, has been steadily making on towards of their liberties, and when the experience of the point which it has now nearly reached, every hour should more and more confirm wül be turned aside neither by court-inthem in that attachment to these liberties, trigne, by rhetorical dexterity, nor by popuwhich alone will, when the day of trial lar Clamour. No tricks like those of the comes, encourage them to act in a manner pensioned patriots, who, because the people directly opposite to that of the people of of Middlesex elected Sir Francis Burdett, Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia; ji erer cried aloud against the revival of Jacobinthere was such a time, that time now is. ism, and called for ihe speedy resuscitation of What, therefore, are we to think of those, the Society against Republicans and Levelwhose constant endeavour it is, or, at least, lers, will now be of any avail, though of that vhose etioris constantly tend, to make us Society it should be proposed to put the believe, that, in reality, we bave no liberties tithe-hating and pension-loving Mr. Huskisat all? That what we enjoy, we enjoy by son at the head. We are, the mere hiremere sufferance from the minister? That, to lings excepted, all of one mind; thanks to disapprove of his measures is, to be taken Napoleon, in assuming the purple, we are, for prout of enmity to our country? That, as to forins of government, all of one opito have discredived fisehoods, nay, direct Dion, and that is, that, after all, our own is lies, issued from the uffices in Downing the best. To preserve it, and with it our liStreet, is, even after those lies are deiecied, : berrien, es handed dou'n io us ly our fathers, to be considered as conclusive evidence of we are ready to make cvery sacrifice that men er ezulting at the disasiers, which those can make conducive to such an end. But, lies were intended to keep from our know- shall we not be allowed to inquire, whether ledge? And, finally, that, to crish us, .io those sacrifices are likely to be of any avail? pni us out of all political, 23rd nearly out of Shall we not be porniitied to ask, in what all physical, existence, requires only that i hands our resources are to be placed Shalt the minister say the word?

-Pop'e cf we be forbidden to examine into the pretenEngland! (for to you I new speak) wo yo!! sions of those, and of that minister in partiapprove of the measures of Mr. Fitt? He

cular, in whose behalf the lirelings of the has had the management of your aftairs for press preser au exclusivo claim to the directtwenty years; he has always been the abso- ing of those means, by which alone we can lute master ofiliis measures; and, do o you,

I be sared? Ouglit we not to wish for, and say, approve of wem? Do you apprute of a bave we not a right to expect, that, series of 1 tres, in peace and in war, by


at any rate, our affairs should be which

your country has been reduced to its committed to men of great statesmanpresent stäte? And, are you haiers of your like talents? Aid, supposing us to country? Are you, in addition to all your possess this right, shall we now, with the burdens and yo!ır mortifications, to be told London Mayor, think Mr. Pitt “ the man that y, u are traitors ? Are you, indeed, be- on whoni all eyes are fixed, as the last cause you wish, as you naturally must, for " barrier between Europe and slavery;" or, such a change of councillors as would be shall we, fuilowing the dictates of dew

bought experience, be convinced, that, in they are numerous enough ; but, st'l, read his whole life, having wanted nothing in the as long as you will, the questio tenia way of opportunity, he has never given one nous and disgraceful question reti rns

whesingle proof of possessing such talents, in ther Englishmen shall remain usb. y ire, or any matters whether domestic or iorega? become ihe slaves of Frenchmen; a, cestion, Let sophisters quibble and hypocrites I repeat it, that never, since the days of the dissemble as they may, stili, in pucs, as Norman ; never, t rough all the vicissitudes in religion, the tree will be known by its of our country, was mooted till the adminifruit; and, what is the fruit which this tree stration of Wisiam Pitt.

The last poor of twenty years standing has berne us, our Sii, i, that de has been minister in more taste, though shockingly corrupted, will dificult 'mes than were ever before known. easily tell. Various are the opinions of men

Dicult 'times ! He, indeed, has lately upon several points as to mesures and

said so; and has thrown the blame upon causes; but, as to effects, we are upon one Providence, who, says be,

“ has cost our point, and that the main one, all perfectly lot in times of peril.” But, to say agreed ; namely, that we are now arrived at nothing, just yet, of the great convenience the eve of a great crisis ; that we are now of a come-off like this, which of us cannot engaged in a contest for our existence as an bring, from his speeches, proofs of his havindependent state ; that it is now about to ig, twice a year, at least, during the first be determined, not whether England shail eighteen years of his administration, debeat France, or France beat England, but, clared the country to be in a prouder situain the language of Lloyd's, whether Eng. tion than she ever before stood; and, of his lishmon shall remain as they are, or become having dealt bis sarcasms about upon all the slaves of Frenchmen. To this question, those, who expressed their fears for the ula question never before mooted, from the timate safety of the country?

The first times of William the Conqueror to the pre- eight years of his sway was a time of peace sent day, we have been brought during the and of plentiful harvests. Every circumadministration of Willian Pitt; during stance favoured him ; and, when he, at last, the administration of that man, whom the resolved on war, circumstances there were London Mayor, to his throng of listening not less so. Every year did he boast the citizens, described as the kast remaining bar- prond situation of England, which he failed rier between Europe and slavery. If such not to compare with the exhausted, the mia question had been put at the beginning of scrable, the deplorable, the degraded stato bis twenty years adniinistration ; if, wlien, of France; every year did he promise us, " the perfidious and impious levity of the that the enemy was upon the point of ruin; “ multitude" was hailing him as one de- and, only two years before he counselied scended immediately from heaven ; it, when and defended the peace of Aniens, he pledghe to:sk the reins of a yet powerful kingdom, ed himself to the country, having just then under every circumstance of advantage, not discovered a new and solid system vt finante, forgetting that of the decreptitude of France; that he would never make peace without seii, at that time, such a quetion bad been curing the balance of power in Europe, put, what indignation, wbit disciai!, would And, at the end of all those boastings, out it not have excited? Let us not be told of he comes with his whinings about Provihis increase of imports and exports; against dence! Out he comes with a canting gypthe gains of the cotton-spinning nobles and sey-like story about the casting of crir lot! those of the nabobs, we could place the more So), Captain Bobadil, when, atter all his than doubling of the parish paupers. But, bragging, he is getting up irom beneath a we are not to hear of any thing under t!!e cudgeling, exclaims, " I was curtainly planame of national prosperity urconnected net-struck ;" but, his friend, who has with our relative situation with regard to been a witness of the scene, very gravely France. The first concern of a nation, assures him, that he had been struck with that, before which all others oright to give nothing but a stick " It was a stick, inway, and, compared with which, sink into deed, Captain, for I saw it with

my own nothingness, is, to preserve its independence; eses." A similar re;ły may be made to and, of course, the first duty of a minister o'ir nero, who is an onlicer of higher rark is, so to conduct the affairs of a nation as to than Bobadil, and who, we know, has stcienable it to meet its enemies, or, at least, died the art of war with a degree of ergernot to guffer it to sink in this respect afier it nesa, that, at one time, led some folks

comes into his hands. Auswer us not, Loid to f-ar, that he really would have taken Castlere.igh, with your long list of ships and the command, if the French had landed. yolunteer-battalions; we know well, that Pror ( ince! No, no! It is “ not in

" the war.

us, that

stars, but in himself, that he is an under- purpose ; but, he objected to a premature ling The French are but men, and they effort for urging those powers into a war, have been the same ever since England was and that for the reasons which he so distinctEugland;'aud, if they have employed new ly and so prophetically gave. When the House means, either in the cabinet or in the field, again meets, he has nothing to do but to it was for the minister of England to keep read his speech of the 21st of June, and then, pace with them. If your adversary, wlio with the event before them, to leave them has been accustomed to fight you with a to judge between him and the man who has sick, comes armed with a sword, it is for had the presumption to be his rival. He, you to get a sword too, and not to run about said : “After what had passed, it was a crying that he does not fight fair; and, more matter of less delicacy to express an opiespecially not lay the blame upon Providence. “nion on hypothesis, as to the purpose for Alihe outset of this war, Mr. Pitt pronrised, " which the vote was called for ; whether thdi he would - sten the torrent of liquid on the hypothesis, that it was to enable tre; that he would

repress the am

us to make terms of peace, or on the hy" bition and crasiise theinsolence"ot Buona- pothesis ibat it was to engage the powers parts; and, in less than a year afterwards, “ of the continent to co-operate with us in he falls out with Providence, notwithstand

On this head he should state ing the Morning l'ost assures

“ briefly liis opinion. It seemed to be the we are, and must be, “ the particular de- “ prevailing opinion, that to engage with

light of Providence. What are now be- " Russia alone would make our situation come of these boasts > Has he stemmed more difficult than at present, unless the torrent of liquid fire ? Has he, even * Prussia or Austria could be included in with the aid of Lord Castlereagh and Lord “ the confecleracy of the first of these Mulgrave and lir. Huskisson and Old lose, powers co-operating there was less hope, repressed the anibition and chastised the inso- “ of the latter more, though he thought lence of Buonaparté ---But, if the times “fear a more proper term than hope in the were diificult; allowing for argument sake,

“ latter case. Without a sure prospect of that they were diifvult ; did he listen to efficient co-operation, he should feel these who advised bim what course to pur. most unhappy if he were to suffer this sue ? Never. In the late wur, he had, as rote to

pass without entering his protest ba: been before observed, a choice between “ against it, without warning this country tieadvice of Mr. Fox and that of Nir. Burke; " and Europe against the consequences. No he chose to follow peither; and he and man could tell what would be the issue of Lord Melville pursued, without suffering war ; but when they looked to the past, themselves to be interrupted, the course “ be asked, with what rational hope such a which ended in the peace of Amiens. That war as the late one could be begun, and he was not sparing either in money or men, “ with what rational ground of success ? we very well know. In fact, he took where " Was it intended tliat, at the present peand what he chose, the doctrine of the day " riod of the year, wlien Austria was unbeing, that whatever men had left was so prepared, any operations should be unmach sived out of the fire of revolution. “ dertake!, or only that every thing should Never va; there in the world an instance of

“ be prepared to begin the war in the next a minister's having a nation so completely campaign? If Austria were to move, at his nol! Ani, after all this, does he " and the consequence should be, what talk of difficult tinies ?n the case of was not improbable, productive of serious the present war upon the continent, the ad- disasters, wliat would become of our vice herceived, the solemn warning he re- hopes of continental connexions ? what ceived, is still fresh in our piemory: It is ” ot the liberties of Europe? what of the now only six months and fouriten days ago, prospect of setting limits to the power that Mr. For besought the blouse of Com- " of France, justly and rationally considermons to grant him no money for the pur- " ed alrcady too formidable ? Under suchi pose of stirring up Austria to war. This “ circunstances, and on such information, warning, we must now re-peruse; we inast " it became wisemen to consider well bekeep it costantly before us; it is an unerr- “ fore ihey should grant any money where ing guide in farming an opinion of the two or the chances were one hundred to one a

Nr. Fox, observe, had not, as the gainst siłcess. But it was the manner in base hirclings of the press have insinuated, " which the matter was proposed that any objection to repressing the ambition of weighed with him. If we had remain, France ; he had no objection to a combina- " ed at peace, as he wished we had, and Auc tion of power upon the continent for that stria, Russia, or Prussia, had applied t9


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for assistance in their quarrel, no man continental war with Russia and Austria, “ would be more ready than himself to agree " and it would be still more indiscreet in

to gra iting it. But when we had dashed Austria, for Russia and Great-Britain singiy into the war, and, as tad been ar- would be in a far difierent situation from gued the preceding night, for the pur- “ that of their ally. If sich an alliance pose

rousing the

of Europe by

“ could be formed with Russia, Austria, our example, which we could only' exhi- Prussia, and the other powers of the bit in the case of invasion, that put the “ continent, as would gain their good will, “ question on a different footing. He dis- “ without attempting to rouse them before “ liked the phrase to rouse Europe, because “ their own interest, in their own view of " the attempt to do so had the effect " them, would call for their exertions, suchi of producing a disinclination to co-operate an alliance would afford bopes that we with us. Every man knew that the charae- might obtain reasonable terms of peace.”

ter of the British government in Europe Upon this Mr. Pitt, with that sort of can

was, that it was actuated by selfish motives dour for which he is so famous, observed, " in instigating the powers of the continent that Mr. Fox's observations " seemed to go to war for British interests.

He loped “ this length, that all attempts at releasing that this opinich was false; but if we “ ourselves trom our present situation were

should attempt to instigate the powers of inproper, because it might happen that “ the continent to a renewal of hostilities, our atairs might be made worse. This whilst they wished to remain at peace, was a mode of reasoning that would lead “ wiiether for trie purpose of regaining “ all the powers of the continent to remin

strength or recruiting their resources, “ yupine under the oppression of France,

or for wbaterer other reason, it would a- " and never attempt to oppose her schemes “ lienate the atfections of Europe more from “ of ambition and aggrandizement. Wiy ?

113 than any inefficiency that could take “because in opposing these schemes, they

place in the conduct of the war. If Au- ran a risk of making matters worse. But “ stria alone were to embark with us in the “ were they to wait till the power of Irance

war, she could not use her exertions with was much more increased, and much

advantage to herself or to us. The in- more contirmed? till their own resources “terests of both would be identified, could were much more reduced than they were " not be separated, and consequently nei- at present, and till the power of resis“ther could enjoy the full benefits of her “tance was gone? This would indeed be " exertions. This was a ground for think- exposing themselves to a certainty of

ing that the result could not be favorable. having theirs made worse.”—Upon " Austria would be driven to the alternative this the binches at his back rang with “ of concluding a treaty under the same hear! hear! Dearly as the nation has “ circunstances which obliged her to con- heretofore paid for the cheering from that clude the treaty of Leoben and Luneville, quarter, this last cheering will be, by far, “ and to subinit to such terms as France the dearest ! Vír. Fox replied, “that, as far

should dictate ; for it was contrary to all he was informed at the state of Eu

experience and history to suppose, as had rope, he believed, that, if Austria should “ been a clied, that being engaged to Rus- “ be allured to engage in a war with France, " sia and England, she would be bound to “ she would expose herself to the most ex" hold out to the last. No country could treme peril, to a danger far beyond any “ be obliged by any treaty to holl out to its " chance of advantage."

He had never “ destruction and lie down under itsruin. said, nor did his words convey any such im" There was another alternative which plication, that we never were to aitenipt any " Austia might adopt, which was, to hold thing for fear of rendering our situation

out to the end; and might not that con- worse by the attempt. He never said, that “duct endanger the total extinction of we ought to risk nothing Butite said, that “second power in Europe? If she cliose, in urging Allstria into the war, we were “ as he thought she would, the former al risking too much; and this opinion was

ternative, we should then be driven, after founded tpon reasons that he gave. To " all our efforts and expence, either to make risk, even greatly to risk, may, in some

a separate peace, or to carry on a deten- cases, be the height of prudence; but, it is ! sive war.

He hoped we should not be for the wise man todtermine when to risk; " reduced to that alternative, and should not and, it now appears, that us r. Fox said, " discuss what should be our conduct in such the risk was all on one side.-- - With this

It would be highly indiscreet in parliarnentary deba' e before them, for Mr, us to form an alliapce for the

of a Pitt's partizauis to tçil us, that his measures


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were well-planned, that he acted for the that, if they accepted of that gold, particubest, that to hope for success was rational, is larly before they were well prepared, they impudence not to be borne. If you see a would fail, and that then our situation, to man upon the verge of a precipice, if you say nothing of the loss of our money, would tell him that another step will bring him to be infinitely worse than it was before. In the bottom, if he takes the step and falls, has every stage of the war, have the hirelings any one the assurance to tell you that lie assumed certain premises : they have prowas as right as you ? That he ought not to mulgated, as truths not to be questioned, a have believed you, and that he is not to be certain set of correspondent falsehoods. blamed for his obstinacy? If, indeed, you Upon these they have reasoned; from these sce a measure about to be adopted, and say they have drawn conclusions: and, of nothing about it till the event be known, you have no right to find fault with it after it is not of incorrect reasoning that we ac-. wards; but, here the measure was objected cuse them; it is not of an error of judg-.. to; it was protested against, and the reasons, ment ; but, of wiltul falsehood, of criminal whereon that protest was founded, were falsehood, of fiselood promulgated for the given. What is it that distinguishes wise purposes of deception, of lies of the most men from fools? What but those powers of the mischievous tendency. They now tell their mind which enablethen to perceive that which deluded hearers, that “if the means were fools cannot perceive ? And, when they are not proportionate to the object to be acat issue upon a matter of opinion, what is to complished, it is more matier of sorrow decide, but the event. Besides, when the " than of blame." But, they toldus, and they partizans of the minister tell us, that their abused us for doubting their assertions, that conclusions, that is to say, the conclusions the means were fully proportionate to the of Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville, were as pro- object. They told us, that Napoleon was bable as the conclusions of Mr. Fox, and of taken by surprize; that the Austrians had us who thought with him upon the subject got the start of hin; that the Russian are: of the present, or, rather, the late, coali- mies were following each other throngh the tion; when they talk of these conclusions, Austrian deninions; and, finally, that this they, as is their invariable custon, overlook wonderfil promptitude was entirely to be the premises. If, as they asserted, there ascribe i to'" the all-commanding genius of had been 150,000 Russians, actually upon “ Mir. litt." Far, they say now, from their march in the month of September, blaming the minister for endeavouring to and if there had been an army of 300,000 bring about "

bring about "a coalition capable of setting Austrians, well disciplined and appointed, is lounds to the amliition of Buonnporté, in the field at that time; if the Elector of we regard it as a highly meritorious in Bavaria had joined his troops to those of stance of his exertions for the

preserid Austria ; if the kingdom of Hungary had “tion of this country and the general delipourid into the hands of the Emperor nore “ verance.” but, they were told, that this money and had raised him more men than coalition not capable of doing it; he knew what to do with; and, finally, if they were told that its materials were crude, Prusia had, in the month of Septeinbe, or its foundation unstable, and that the time October, joined the coalition with her army and manner of it were not cae ulated to of 300,600 men; if all this had been true, produce success. They were told so, and then, indeed, the conclusions of Mr. Pitt with what calunnies have they repaid their and the hirelings would have been not only adnionishers! What term, expressive of as probable as ours, but much nore proba- | ignorance, of wilfulness, of baseness and ble than ours. But, they were false, the of treachery have they not applied to all premises were all false; our or ponents those who endeavoured, though in vain, tó built upon sund, upoii a shadow, and the guard the deluded people against their love constqience has been that which, in such ceptions! “To us,” say they, “it apcase, necessarily must be. It is not as to peurs that the moment was come,” and concl; sions that we have differed from thie quote ile wurals of Demosthenes, aiier them; it is upon points of fact that, in the battle of Charonci, so fatal to the lid every stage of the war, we have been at va- Lerties of Greece. " I could not foresce, riance.

Vir. Pitt assumed, that the powers, " that the event would have been as it has with whom he was about to coalesce stood “ turned out, but if any divire revelation in Deed of nothing but British gold to ena- “ hai presented it to me in all its horrors, blo ih in to tice Napoleon, ard to turn the I will, I ought, still to have acted as tide of his fortune: Mr. Fox denied th's : " I bare Gone." "Vi Mr. Pitt avail himhe said they stood in need of more, an i self of this bint? Will he mule a declara


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