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tion like this? When destruction is the
obviously certain effect of inaction, then,
indeed, such a defence may be made; be-
cause, action affords a chance, at least, of
deliverance. But, who will say? What
honest man has been so far deluded; or,
what hireling has been so highly bribed, as
to assert, that this was the case with re-
spect to Austria and Prussia? Who, on the
contrary, does not perceive, that, if the
coalition had not been so soon formed, and so
hastily driven into action, that Napoleon
could not have made any further encroach-
ments of importance without great disad-
vantage to his cause; without drawing the
powers together by natural ties? Who does
not see, that he would have lost strength by
every further aggression? And, who does
not see, that, if the English parliament had
withheld the means of precipitating Austria
into the war, the battle of Austerlitz would
never have been fought, and that Austria
would still have been a great power, would
still have been an object towards which En-
gland might have looked with hope? It
is not the principle of continental coalitions
that we have ever condemned. Without such
a coalition there was no hope of obtaining
honourable terms of peace, at least, in any
reasonable length of time. But, because it is
good to rise, and even to rise early, is it,
therefore, good to rise at any time, to rise at
midnight, in the dark, and to grope our way
about? We were in a situation when it be-
come us to act with caution; to take time;
so to lay the foundation of our measures as
for them not to be easily shaken. But,
though we could have waited, the minister
could not. His affairs demanded, impe-ple of England, deceived, duped people of
riously demanded, dispatch. The season was
advanced; the Russians in Sibèria, or God
knows where; the Austrians unprepared;
but, parliament was again to meet in De-
cember or January. Something was wanted,
absolutely wanted, and something, therefore,
was to be done. With what exultation, with
what unmeasured insolence of triumph, did
the hirelings of the press hail the first move-
ment of the Austrians! In their anticipa
tion of the effect in parliament, they seemed
entirely to overlook the consequences upon
the continent. At the prospect of seeing
(I use their own words) "the attention of
"the House of Commons turned from the
little nonsense about naval inquiries and
Tenth Reports to the mighty concerns
connected with the deliverance of Eu-
rope," their joy was unbounded! What
the great object of Mr. Pitt might be we can-
not exactly know; but, we do know, that,
from the moment the Austrians made the

first step in that war, which, in the space of
two months, has laid their unfortunate and
misguided Sovereign at the feet of his and
our enemy;
from that moment did the
hirelings, whom we have recently seen
maintaining the truth of the two bulle-
tins, begin to hold a language, calculated to
convince every one, that they, at least, look-
ed forward to the effect which the campaigu
on the continent would produce upon the
divisions in parliament; and, as upon the
occasion of the loss of the first Austrian
army, we now see them deeply engaged in.
the task of proving, that Mir. Pitt was not to
blame, and that, on account of the frustra-
tion of his schemes and the terrible disasters
arising from a war of his fomenting, he
ought to lose no votes in parliament ! Such
then was, and now is, the consolation which
they tender to their country and to the Em-
peror of Austria! The motive of the minis-
ter himself we cannot precisely ascertain;
but, that it was he who precipitated the
House of Austria inte the war can no longer
be denied. It is a fact established, not by
evidence such as that, whereon the Two
Bulletins were issued; not by hearsay and
rumour; not by what has been said to have
been said by an Estafette or a king's messen-
ger; but, by the concurrent testimony of
official documents; by the intercepted letter
of Lord Harrowby (the authenticity of which
has never, even yet, been denied), the re-
port of the Archduke Charles of the cause of
his retreat; and, lastly, by the declaration -
of the Emperor of Austria himself, as re-
corded in the French bulletins. This decla-
ration, is, we are told, fabricated; but, peo-

6

England! I beseech you to remember, that this is told us by those, who have constantly denied the truth of those fate-bearing bulletins; by those, who told you, that the French were defeated at Ker...s; by those who told you that the Archduke was falling upon the rear of Napoleon with 90,000 men; by those who told you, that 150,000 Prussians were first upon their march into Franconia, but had made a short turn to the left, and were, by forced marches, going through Bohemia to attack the French" in Moravia; by those who told you of the famous royal swearing at Potsdam; by those who told you that the Emperor Napoleon and his army were drowned in the Danube; by those, who, in winding up the climax of atrocious impositions, gave you, in the form of authentic documents, assurances, that, on the 3d and 4th of December, the Emperor of Russia, after having performed feats of valour more than mortal, had completely

defeated the French, captured 40,000 pri- | it behoves us to reject, with disdain, these

soners and all the artillery of the enemy. From the pens of these identical persons, observe, it is, that you now are to learn, that the declaration of the Emperor of Austria is a fabrication; it is the words of these persons, who declared the Russian proposition to capitulate, to be a forgery; who asserted to be a forgery the letter of Count Palfy to Marshal Davoust, stipulating for the neutrality of Hungary; who stigmatized as a forgery the proclamation received by M. Bourienne, and who marked out as traitors all those who believed in its authenticity; and, who, to the very last hour, asserted, that the Argus, though it contained the official details of the battle of Austerlitz, was an infamous fabrication for stock-jobbing purposes it is the word, the bare word of these very persons, that you are now called upon to believe, in direct contradiction to the statements of those bulletins, which have uniformly provel so minutely and so fatally true! No, no! It is not a fabrication it is authentic; and it comes, with force irresistible, to confirm the opinion, that Austria had, by English councils, been precipitated to her rain. Aud, shall not those councils be changed? Shall they st

be supported? Shall we still see the representatives of the people voting cur money, by millions upon millions, into the hands of the man who has therewith purchased the battle of Austerlitz ?— "But the king; the will of the king!" Babe, false, slavish insinuation! As if His Majesty could wish that which tends, that which has constantly tended, to the subjugation of his people, and, of course, to the subversion of his throne, and the throne of his children! The king's will! then, indeed, it were time to cease talking of the constitution of England! The king, no one denies it, has an uncontrolable right to appoint his servants; but, shall our representatives, for fear of thwarting the wishes, or disturbing the arrangements or pleasures of the king, not refuse to commit the resources of the nation to the hands of those servants? It is our duty, a duty enjoined by religion as well as by honour, to lay down our lives, if necessary, for the defence of the person and dignity of the king; but, that we live not under a despotism consists entirely in the power which the parliament has of refusing to grant money to his servants; and, if that power be given up, whatever be the motive for which the surrender is inade, whether of love or of fear, then are we, though not nominally, really under a despotism. But, in behalf of our sovereign as well as ourselves,

insinuations, the last resource of discomfited baseness. His Majesty, who must be fully sensible of the awfulness of the danger with which we are now menaced, waits, doubtless, to hear the voice of his people, or, at least, of those amongst them, qualified by their talents and their information to afford him advice. And shall we, like the wretches suffocating in the Black-hole of Calcutta, be told that his repose is not to be disturbed? I trust, that with such an answer we shall not be satisfied; but, that, in all the ways pointed out by the constitution, we shall approach his throne with an expression of our desire to be saved, and, with a hope, that he will, as far as lies with him, afford us the means; with a settled resolution to sacrifice our all, if necessary, in defence of our liberties and of his person and family; but, with a confident expression of our wish and our expectation, that he will change those councils, by which the enormous sacrifices we have hitherto made have been rendered of no avail. I trust, that we shall not regard ourselves as intruders; that, while, with affectionate attachment, we own his sway, while we know the crown of England to be his, we feel that England is our country; that we have, down to the meanest man amongst us, a deep interest in all that honour and renown, in those liberties and that happiness, which are now brought into jeopardy, and that, upon the immutable principles of justice, as well as from usage from law, we have a right to be heard.

and

The following Preface to the 8th volume of the Register must supply the place of what I intended to have inserted, according to annual custom, at the head of this volume.

PREFACE.

In closing this volume, I think it proper, considering the great interest which we must all, at this time, necessarily feel as to the transactions between nation and nation, to point out the utility of this work, as a Register of those transactions. One of the principal objects of the undertaking, was, to insure to my readers the, possession of all the authentic documents, which should, during the continuance of the work, appear in print, relative to transactions between nation and nation; and, so unremitted has been my attention thereunto, that, I think I may safely assert, that no document of that description has been omitted; an asser tion, which, I am persuaded, cannot, with truth, be made in favour of any other work extant. In every other work, professing to be a Register of the times, the compilers

have, for some reason or other, contented themselves with a selection of documents. For most present purposes this may be sufficient; but, every selection must depend upon the taste, or the opinion, of the person selecting; and, from one cause or another, it must produce a representation, which, in a greater or less degree, is deficient in point of impartiality, though, perhaps, contrary to the wishes of the compiler. The great source of error as to transactions of pass times is the want of a collection of all the documents relating to them. This must have been perceived by every reader of history. For the want of such a collection, what great and mischievous errors have descended to the present day! To what acrimonious and disgraceful disputes; to what doubts, what distrust, what unsettled notions, and to what inconsistency of action has this deficiency of record given rise! To prevent those evils, as far as may relate to the times of which this work will be a Register, has been an object of which I have never lost sight. In the opinions and the statement of my own, I am not inclined to deny that prejudice and passion have frequently had their influence; but, in giving all the authentic documents, I have done my best to guard future times, at least (if my work should happen to outlive its author) against the effect of such influence.-The same motive has been my guide in collecting and recording the documents relating to the internal concerns of foreign nations, as well as those relating to the internal concerns of our own country; and, I fear not to repeat, that, under the three heads; First, of PUBLIC PAPERS; Second, of FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS; and, Third, of DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS, the Political Register contains a collection such as is to be found in no other work. The total number of these documents, contained in the Eight Volumes, must astonish any one not accustomed to much observation upon the subject, there being of the first class 764; of the second, 825; and of the third, 680, making, in the whole, 2259; all arranged in the chronological order of their first appearance in England, that being the order of all others best calculated to further every object of research, especially as each volume is furnished with Indexes as well as with Tables of Contents made out under an experimental conviction of their utility. It may be

useful to observe, that, since the commencement of the PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES, as a separate work, the documents, of whatever description, officially laid before Parliament, have been recorded there; and, as

to the Debates themselves, which must be considered as amongst the first of materials for history, I risk no contradiction in saying, that they are, (to say nothing of the MINUTES, which connect them with one another and which must always render the whole perfectly intelligible at the first glance) recorded with a degree of copiousness and of accuracy, hitherto unknown in similar compilations.Indulging, as I long have, and as I yet do, the hope of being, for a few years, at least, now and then remem bered as one of those, whom the spirit-stirring circumstances of these awful times have drawn forth from their native obscurity, I have never ceased anxiously to desire, that the events, amidst which I have lived, and in which I have taken so deep an interest, may be handed down to posterity undisfigured by falsehood. Actuated by this desire, I have bent my mind on securing of a faithful record of those events; and, if popular delusion and popular baseness, fed by the corruptions of the commercial system, should continue to triumph till the very names of liberty and of honour shall be expunged from the English language, and till every man shall be brought to lend his hand to the muzzling of his neighbour, I shall still have the satisfaction to reflect, that, on my part, no effort has been wanting to prevent this consummatton of national infamy.

The number of sheets in the present vol lume is thirty-three. Each of the three preceding volumes contain the same number; and, this is, indeed, the fixed bulk of the volumes, the annual cost being, of course, 2t. 158.

As the early volumes of the Register have been reprinted, complete Sets may be had by applying to R. Bagshaw, No. 31, Bow-Street, or J. Budd, No. 100, Pall-Mall; to whom all orders should be addressed. *

Botley, 28th Dec. 1805.

WM. COBBEtt.

PUBLIC PAPERS. CONTINENTAL WAR.- (Continued from p. 962.)-Thirtieth Bulletin of the Grand French Army.

Austerlitz, Dec. 3.-On 'she 27th ult. the Emperor, upon receiving the communication of the full powers of M. M. Stadion and De Guilay, offered previously an srmistice, in order to spare the effusion of blood, if any real intention were entertained of coming to an arrangement and a definitive accommodation.--But it was easy for the Emperor to perceive that they had other projects; and as the hope of success could only be derived from the side of the Rus

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sian army, he easily conjectured that the 2d and 3d armies were arrived, or were on the point of arriving, at Olmutz, and that the negotiations were only a russe de guerre, to Jull his vigilance to sleep.-On the 28th, at 9 in the morning, a cloud of Cossacks, supported by Russian cavalry, made Prince Murat's advanced posts fall back, surrounded Wischau, and took 50 of the 6th regiment of dragoons. In the course of the day the Emperor of Russia repaired to Wischau, and the whole of the Russian army took up a position behind that city-The Emperor sent his aid-de-camp, General Savary, to compliment the Emperor of Russia, as soon as he knew of the arrival of that Prince in the army. General Savary returned at the moment the Emperor was reconnoitering the fires of the enemy's out-posts at Wischau. He spoke in warm terms of commendation of the handsome reception, the favours, and the personal sentiments, of the Emperor of Russia, and even of the Grand Duke Constantine, who shewed him every attention; but it was easy to understand, from the conversation he had for three days, with some 30 coxcombs, who, under different titles, are about the Emperor of Russia, that presumption, inconsiderateness, and imprudence, reigned in the decisions of the military cabinet, as much as they had reigned in those of the political cabinet.—An army so conducted, could not but commit faults; the Emperor's plan was, from that moment, to wait for them, and to watch the moment for profiting by them. He immediately ordered his army to retreat in the night, as if he had been defeated, took a good position, 3 leagues in the rear, and laboured, with much ostentation, at fortifying it, and raising batteries. He proposed an interview to the Emperor of Russia, who sent him his aid-de-camp. Prince Dolgorucki; that offcer might remark, that every thing breathed reserve and fear in the appearance of the French army. The placing the strong guards, the fortifications made with such haste; every thing shewed to the Russian officer, an army half beaten.-Contrary to the Emperor's 'custom, who never receives with so much circumspection the flags of truce at his head-quarters, he went himself to the advanced posts. The Russian discussed every thing, with an impertinence, difficult to be conceived; he was in the most perfect ignorance of the interests of Europe, and of the situation of the Continent.

In a

word, he was a young trumpeter for EngJand. He spoke to the Emperor, as he speaks to the Russian officers, whom he has long disgusted by his haughtiness and im

proper conduct. The Emperor repressed his indignation, and the young man, who has a real influence over the Emperor Alexander, returned with a conviction that the French army was on the eve of ruin.. One may be convinced, above all, of what the Emperor must have suffered, when it is known, that, towards the close of the con versation, he proposed to him to cede Belgium, and to place the Iron Crown upon the head of the most implacable enemies of France. All these different steps are attended with their due effect. The young heads that direct the Russian affairs gave themselves up, without measure, to their natural presumption. It was no longer, whether the French army shall be beaten? But, whether it shall be turned and taken? It had only done so much through the cowardice of the Austrians. We are assured that several old Austrian generals, who had made campaigns against the Emperor, warned the council, that it was not with that confidence that one ought to march against old soldiers, and officers of the first merit. They said. they had seen the Emperor reduced to a handful of men, re-possess himself of victory, under the most difficult circumstances, by rapid and unforeseen operations, and destroy the most numerous armies; that here no advantage had been obtained; that, on the contrary, all the affairs with the rearguard of the first Russian army had been in favour of the French army; but, to that the presumptuous young men opposed the bravery of the 80,000 Russians, the enthusiasm inspired by the presence of their Emperor, the picked corps of the inperial guard of Russia, and, what probably they dared not say, their talents, of which they were astonished the Austrians would not acknowledge the power. On the 1st of Dec., the Emperor, from the heights, saw, with indescribable joy, the Russian army beginning, within twice the distance of cannon-shot from his advanced posts, a fiank movement to turn his right. He perceived then to what a pitch presumption and ignorance of the art of war had misled the councils of that brave army. He said, several times, "Before to-morrow night, that army shall be in my power. Yet the enemy's idea was far different; they appeared before our posts within pistol shot; they defiled by a flank march upon a line four leagues long. In passing the length of the French ariny, which seemed not to dare to quit its position, they had but one fear, that the French army should escape. Every thing was done to confirm the enemy in this idea. Prince Murat sent out a small corps on the plain; but all at once it seemed asto

nished at the immense force of the enemy, and returned in haste. Hence every thing tended to confirm the Russian general in the miscalculated operation which he had determined upon. The Einperor put the annexed proclamation in the order of the day. At night, he wished to visit on foot, and incognito, all the posts; but he had not gone many steps when he was recognized. It would be impossible to depict the enthusiasm of the soldiers upon seeing him. Lighted straw was placed in an instant upon the tops of thousands of poles, and 80,000 men appeared before the Emperor, saluting him with acclamations: some to celebrate the anniversary of his coronation, others say. ing, that the army would to-morrow offer its bouquet to the Emperor. One of the oldest grenadiers went up to him, and said, "Sire, you need not expose yourself; I promise you, in the name of the grenadiers of the army, that you shall only have to fight with your eyes, and that we will bring you to-morrow the colours and artillery of the Russian army to celebrate the anniversary of your coronation."-The Emperor said, upon his return to his guard-house, which consisted of a miserable straw cabin, without a roof, which the grenadiers had made for him, "This is the finest evening of my life; but I regret to think that I shall lose a good number of these brave fellows. I feel, by the pain it gives me, that they are indeed my children, and I often reproach myself for this sentiment, for I fear it will terminate in rendering me unfit to carry on war." If the enemy had seen the sight, it would have terrified them; but the unthinking enemy continued their movements, and hastened, with quick steps, to their ruin.-The Emperor made his dispositions for battle immediately. He sent off Marshal Davoust, in great haste, to the Convent of Raygern: he was, with one of his divisions, and a division of dragoons, to keep in check the enemy's left wing, in order that, upon a given signal, it might be quite surrounded.He gave to Marshal Lannes the command of the left wing; to Marshal Soult the command of the right; and to Marshal Bernadotte the command of the centre. Prince Murat received the command of the cavalry, with which he was posted on one point. The left of Marshal Lannes approached Santon, a superb position, which had been fortified and mounted with eighteen pieces of cannon. From the preceding evening, he had entrusted the keeping of that firm position to the 17th light infantry, and certainly it could not be guarded by better troops. Gemeral Suchet's division formed the left of

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Marshal Lannes; the division of General Cafarelli formed his right, and was supported, at the same time, by Prince Murat's cavalry. The latter had before tt the hussars and chasseurs under General Theliemon, and the dragoon divisions of Walther and Beaumont, and, in reserve, the cuirassier division of Generals Nansouty and Hautpoult, with 24 pieces of light artillery.-Marshal Bertradotte, that is to say the centre, had, on the left, the division of General Rivaud, which also communicated with Prince Murat's right wing, and, on the right, the division of General Drouet-Marshal Soult, who commanded the right wing of the army, had, on Iris left, the division of General Van Damme; in his centre, the division of General St. Hilaire; and, on his right, the division of General Legrand.-Marshal Davoust was detached to the right of General Legrand, to observe the road between the lakes, and the villages of Sokolnitz and Celnitz. He had with him General Friant's division, and the dragoons of General Bouchier's division. The division of General Gudin was directed to march at day-break from Nicolsburg, to stop the corps of the enemy which might have outflanked the right wing.-The Emperor, with his faithful companion in war, Marshal Berthier, his first aid-de-camp, Colonel Junot, and all his état-major, were in reserve, with the ten battalious of his guard, and the ten battalions of General Oudinot's grenadiers, part of whom were commanded by General Duroc. -This reserve, ranged in two lines, in columns by battalion, deployed at a distance, having in the intervals 40 pieces of cannon, served by the cannoniers of the guard. It was with this reserve, that the Emperor intended to push forward wherever it would have been necessary; we may say this reserve was worth an army.-At one in the morning, the Emperor got on horseback, to visit the posts, reconnoitre the fires of the enemy, and get an account of what the guards had learned of the movements of the Russians. He heard that they had passed the night in drunkenness and noise, and that a corps of Russian infantry had appeared in the village of Sokolnitz, occupied by a regiment of the division under General Legrand, who had jorders to reinforce it.-Day dawned at length on the second; the sun, rose bright; and the anniversary of the coronation of the Emperor, upon which one of the greatest feats in arms of the age was to be performed, was one of the finest days in autumn.-This battle, which the soldiers persist in calling the day of the Three Emperors, which others call the day of the An

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