have seen captains, previous to their being degraded by the volunteer system, superior to the mean art of recollecting, or attempting to recollect, the words of command; and I have heard them say to their serjeants,

Well, what next, &c." The drudgery of the battalion was beneath them, it was

fashionable to appear as if they had risen from the ranks. And this is the military character, the volunteer system has degraded! This is the system of real splendour! Surely, Mr. Cobbett, this is a labyrinth! This is inexplicable! Do let us go back, for the further we proceed the more intricate appears the way. Let us return to Mr. Windham. Must none of his officers, in his quite new phalanx, be men of business, i. e. "Mercantile red-coats?" Must none of the inspectors, reviewers, &c. be "Flatterers or toad-eate.s?" This will be very fine indeed! and we may never again find ourselves obliged to use such strange epithets; but often recur to the more pleasing language used by you, in page 205, where you say, "I was second to no man in urging the necessity of exalting the military profession." But to urge the necessity, without pointing out some of the means, is only trifling with the subject. And what means have you pointed out? Have you recommended an attention to the moral conduct of the army, to its physical powers, to its mechanical strength, to its existing abuses, and to its theoretical, as well as its practical information? If you have recommended an attention to these, you have done well; but, instead of these, what have you done? You have undertaken a petty warfare, and attempted to exalt the regulars by degrading the volunteers. This, Sir, is much beneath you, and I have no doubt but you will soon perceive your error, and make some atonement. Indeed, I am ready to confess, that your strictures on Lord Grenville's Auditorship, and Lord Ellenborough's place in the Cabinet, have nearly balanced your account with me, and I as sincerely commend you for them, as I discommend you for the other. I would, however, recommend a rather more temperate language; for you have so blackened the characters of the late ministry, that I begin to feel for them a little, though I much disliked them before, and am ready to conclude, they were not so bad as you represent them. This effect may be produced, by the same kind of language, in other cases; and when it is used, on almost every occasion, it becomes habitual, and, like common swearing, is but little regarded.— I have not introduced into this letter, arguments to prove the utility of the volun

teer corps, pointed out the advantages that have been already derived from them, or given you hints for their improvements; but if you will do me the favour to insert this letter in your Register, I shall not hesitate to make them the subject of another.- re main, Sir, &c. RICHARD.-Cotswold Hills, March 10, 1805.

SIR;

MILITARY PENSIONS.

Possessing as 1 do an enthusias tic veneration for every thing that comes from your pen, I have read with no commor interest, what you have mentioned in the two last numbers of your invaluable Political Register, ou the formation of an army. At present we have a profusion of red coats, but certainly few soldiers; and, if any man in the United Kingdom is at all equal to the Herculean task, it certainly is Mr. Windham. I have no hesitation in saying, that high bounties, so disgraceful to the nation, and ever prejudicial to the individual, might be done away, by enlisting soldiers for seven years; a re-engagement for a like period in his own regiment should entitle the soldier to a certain pension, and when disposed to a third enlistment for a like period, (making in all 21 years) the soldier should be entitled to an increase of pension, with the privileges of a freeholder in the county he came from; and an increased pension. where the soldier was willing, and copat, of making a fourth engagement. This would

do away the necessity of having men held in bondage for life, in veteran battalions, the establishment of which, I have no hesitation in saying, is prejudicial to the service. And, I believe, in the British service only, is the feather of rank rudely wrested from the ve terans brow, when tottering on the brink of the grave. A civilian who has lived upon the fat of the land, turned from his office, obtains a pension. An officer who has served half a century, and braved the field. and foreign climates, is turned into a veteran battalion; and has to regret, his friends had not made him a chimney sweep.——BELI

SARIUS.

COUNTRY BANKS..

Thou art a bold writer, friend Cobbett. Thou utterest many wholesome truths in plain language; the language, indeed, of asperity; but, the subjects of thy animadversion may render such language expedient. Thou hast said a great deal about the papermoney-makers, and blood-suckers, who inhabit the town. What are thy thoughts of this description of the community who dwell in the country? Their paper commodity, in

the neighbourhood of my residence, "has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished." Their ten and five pound notes have forced the Bank of England nearly out of circulation, and a late inuadation of one pound notes threatens the exclusion of all the precious metal. The consequence to the shopkeeper, who should refuse these notes, would be the loss of his trade, and eventual ruin. Canst thou suggest a remedy for this evil, friend Cobbett? And what will be the issue to the holders of these notes, if the evil be not speedily removed?A COUNTRY TRADESMAN.

COUNTRY BANKS.

Bank of England cannot do it; the directors are authorised under restrictions, and are frequently called upon by parliament, to shew their issues do not exceed their real property in specie, or the worth of it. Then why shall those country paper-mongers be permitted to plunder the country, make princely fortunes, so much so, that whenever an estate (no matter what magnitude) is to be sold, it is a banker in general who is the purchaser, and pays for it with his own paper; this inundation of paper must also enhance the price of every necessary of life, as, at all times, according to the quantity of currency in circulation, provisions have borne a proportionable price; we have heard of a peck of wheat for a penny and an ox for 5s. This paper also gives an undue influence to the issuers at all elections for county and borough members, as all the yeomen and tradesmen to whom they lend their paper (and they press it upon them) are entirely under their controul, and very soon we shall see one partner at least in every one of those shops, in parliament (many are at present) in that case uniting with their brother bankers in London, stock-jobbers and underwriters, who are most of them mem

pa

to quantity, take every opportunity of circulating their trash, by loans, to jecmen and tradesmen, by entering into all sorts of jobs and speculations, which paper, when out of their hands, cannot be redeemed by then but by the same coinage; for they issue no specie. Their constant answer is, the Bank of England issue no money, therefore we cannot. But the most alarming of all is, the holders of this paper having no security but the issuers, what will be the consequence to them, in case of a crash amongst those coiners? which must inevitably happen should ever specie come again into circulation, as their issues exceed perhaps twenty times their property, and every one would run for gold in lieu of their trash. The holders of this paper are from necessity obliged to take it, there being no other currency; not a Bank of England note is ever seen at any distance from London, nor will any country people take them, because the cry from the paper coiners is, those of the Bank of England circulating in the country are all forged notes. Surely it is not, it cannot, be legal, for those persons to set up mints and supply the whole kingdom with a currency of paper of no value (and there is no other) without the authority of parliament. The

in parliament that we shall never see the King's gold coin in circulation again. In short, there are so many evils arising from country banks, one is astonished at the mischievous tendency being connived at so long. I have no doubt, were a tax laid upon every individual banking shop in the country at £1000 per annum, two at least in every great town would pay it rather than give up so enriching a situation, and in the smaller towns one would pay it. I know in one country town two shops, whose average paper amounts to nearly £300,000 each, that they have in circu lation; and, by this at least they profit 5 per cent. Or those who are desirous to continue bankers to be called upon for a loan to the public of 140,000 at £2. 10s, per cent. or not be allowed to issue any paper, which would in some measure be a security to the holders of their paper, as weil as letting the public share in the profits gained by the bankers from the people taking the paper. At all events, something should be done to stop the present practice, or eventually the country must be ruined by it.-I have just given you these hints, which put into proper shape and good language, will do some good towards putting a stop to the mischief.

:

-I have another case to mention, which is a very serious hardship' upon the poor labourer and mechanic: when they receive their week's wages they are paid by their employers in country bank paper in one pound notes, according to the number of men to be paid: they take them to the banker, who will give them others in lieu of them, but will not give them silver or copper for them they then run from house to house trying to get them changed; no: at last they are compelled either to spend a part of them at an ale-hcuse, or buy some goods at a shop (and, probably, what is not immediately wanted) otherwise they cannot obtain change for the paper, to lay out in provisions for their family; if they do not buy any thing, the alehouse man or shopkeeper (if they change it) demands a shilling for breaking each note as it is called. The poor man has no other alternative, he must do this or keep the paper. The person who pays his men can do no otherwise, as he cannot obtain specie, none being in circulation. Your constant reader.A FARMER.

LORD MELVILLE,

SIR,-In the Register in April or May last, a letter was inserted containing insinuations, that if an investigation were made into the disposal of the King's revenue in Scotland, and the payment of pensions and bounties, there abuses would be discovered. Subsequently, a motion was made in parliament by Lord Henry Petty,' for several accounts upon this subject; and from those produced and now printed, (though by no means complete) all that the writer of the letter alluded to, said, is proved. It appears, in the first place, that his Majesty's Scot's revenue is frittered away by grants, (which are really pensions, though they do not enter the pension list) so that it never reaches the Exchequer. For example, 600l. a year to the Right Honourable William Dundas, out of the rents of the lordship of Ross; the late grant of the lordship of Fife to Lady Melville, &c. &c. 2dly. That the pension list has been regularly increasing since 1798. When the accounts produced close in May, 1805, the amount was 12,000l. a year more than in 1798, and, if the account had been carried on, the increase would have been much more, as it stops precisely when the pension of 1500l. to Lord Melville and some others were about to be added. 3dly. It appears, that the King's hereditary and reserved revenue.not being sufficient to pay the pensions and usual bounties, the deficiency is from time to time made up by issues from the public revenue, upon orders

from the Treasury, backed by the warrants of the Barons of the Exchequer. The sms. so issued are not great, but the principle is the same, and one would wish to know how such an application of the public revenue can be justified. And, lastly, there appears various large sums issued to persons who hold no official situations, upon warrants from the Treasury, without account. It is grievously suspected in Scotland, that these are ministerial jobs, and not improbably for money spent in elections, or supporting the ministerial candidates. Surely it is impossi ble to contend that the public money, or even the King's own money, when the public is called on to make up deficiencies, should be given in this way, the purpose kept secret, and all account dispensed with.

FATE OF THE FUNDS.

SIR, Viewing as I do the subject of the funds in much the same way with yourself, and being anxious to be persuaded, if I could reasonably and honestly feel so, of the justice of ceasing to pay interest on them; yet, I cannot without stronger argument bring myself to consider it would be just to destroy them entirely; and as to the expediency of it likewise, one of your suggestions makes me doubt more than I had before done; that is, your conceiving it was necessary that loans should still be made; now, I cannot, comprehend how the ministry now in power could hope to make a loan, if they do not continue to pay interest for all hitherto made. With regard too, to the justice of ceasing to pay interest, or taxes, for the sums hitherto borrowed, I am very well aware that it is the duty, the paramount duty, of those in power to take care that the 'nation does not sink under its debts, from a false sense of its honour; I am likewise aware, that it ought to regard in a much more favourable view the landed, mercan tile, (properly so called) and all the trading interests dependant upon labour, or upon capital, so far as the capital is necessary to call forth the labour, and to enable it to be productive; and, as generally speaking, there is less of gambling sort of speculation, less of mere money making speculation, in the above description of persons, than in funded proprietors, I conceive from their character they do deserve very superior consideration: inasmuch too, as they form the strength of the nation, and the fund owners consume that strength, the claim to favour unquestionably is all on one side: but, when we recollect the motives for which the debt was contrasted), whigh was to prevent the

then present accumulation of taxes crowding the landed, trading, mercantile, and laborious descriptions of persons, when we consider too, that to len'l money to the public in its wants is no wise blameable, and moreover, when one calls to mind that those very descriptions, will be generally speaking, the most benefited by the annihilation of the debt, I cannot reconcile it with justice, that the fund-owners should be the sole sufferers, unless I was convinced it was impossible that all descriptions could bear a part, and the country not be undone. Supposing, for instance, the income tax was to be very highly raised; supposing, making a more liberal allowance to land-owners for repairs, outgoings, improvements, &c. than our late minister (who seemed always utterly ignorant of country life, and the needs of country gentlemen) ever proposed; 1-third of the present rents of estates was to be taken as an annual and perpetual land tax; supposing the like rate was to be taken from all properties as a like perpetual tax; and that the funds were in exactly the same manner to be reduced; this would at one blow take off, to speak in round numbers 200,000,000 of debt; for as to the claim to be paid the principal again, I for one can never subscribe to its having an existence. At the above proposed increase of perpetual tax, I have no doubt you yourself, and every one at first, will cry out most furiously; as reducing so very much more, the already miserably reduced, landed interest. I do not, however, think it would have the effect to bear so extensive a degree as at first appears. If it should keep many more in the country than are there now, it would be no great harm to them, nor the public; it would not take off from their consequence nor their independence; and all being reduced together, for I could wish taxes to begin in a more reduced scale, or rather with abatements for specific reasons, with almost the lowest independent order of subjects: the land owners too, would be able soon to raise their land; at any rate they certainly would from all late experience, be able to do so before very long, and as the tax would never increase in amount to them, it would scon diminish in proportion. From the tax on the funds too, I would by no means exempt foreigners, as Mr. Pitt succeeded in doing; I can see no well weighed reason for that, (though at the first view it seemed plausible and reasonable ;) for all foreigners chuse our funds either for their convenience, from its supposed security, (and that quality I conceive would be increased no little for the residue of it;) or from the pecuniary ad

vantage they might gain; now, that we should be made to suffer almost beyond endurance, that foreigners may fatten upon our distresses, I cannot think is requisite. I will not intrude many words more; I am a landowner myself, from interest it will be: thought I am necessarily; from conviction, however, of its superior importance for the public benefit, I am still more highly attached to it; but I cannot think the proprietors of it are men of that character which deserve to be saved from pecuniary ruin; or, which is of more importance far, are of characters such as to serve their King and country in the present crisis; if they would not, I will not say chearfully, (for I fear dissipation, pleasure, and effeminacy of mind is too prevalent among all descriptions, to hope for that ;) but without resistance submit it to sacrifices to the above extent, if they could but feel secure that the affairs of the nation would be conducted with a constant and zealous attention to its honour and indepen-` dence; a hope which from the gracious accordance of our Sovereign, with the desires of his people in the formation of his ministry, the country begins to indulge with confidence.I am, Sir, your very sincere admirer, and constant reader-BRITANNUS. March 3, 1800.

CLERGY RESIDENCE ACT.

To the Right Hon. W. Windham. SIR, From the liberal ideas expressed in your speeches against the act for enforcing the clergy to residence, I will cherish the hope, that you will still support their cause, by moving for a repeal of that act. The Act of Henry VIIIth, harsh and unjust as it was, did not oppress the clergy so much as the present law; for by this the common informer, in some instances, can recover five times as much as he could by the Act of Henry VIIIth. That residence is a moral duty is not denied; it is also a moral duty for all gentlemen to reside part of the year, on their estates; but the law has made provision for the duties of the clergy, by allowing curates, who must be approved of by the Bishops. These resident curates, being generally young and respectable men, perform the parochial duties better than the old or infirm incumbents. This may be easily conceived, when it is remembered, that most of our Bishops and superior clergy were curates in their younger days. It is certainly to the credit of the clergy, that no complaint has ever been brought against them in parliament for non-residence; for, it is well known, that they generally did reside, where residence was tolerable and practicable, they

were invited to residence by interest, by inclination, and duty; these are better motives than what are enforced by an act, degrading and afflicting them with heavy pains and penalties. But when men were verging to the decline of life, after having spent their best days in the duties of their parish, they naturally hoped to have the privilege to live where they pleased, for they then wanted the aid and comfort of society in towns, or among their friends and relations; but for such purposes as these, and many others of great importance to clergymen, the act does not allow absence, so very hard does this law, which is also an ex post facto law, operate against the elder clergy, though they had dedicated the best period of their lives to their parochial duties; to them, at least, might be granted the indulgence of that liberty, which all other classes of men enjoy in this free country. In acts of reform it is generally provided, that the present possessors should not be injured or distressed, but that the reform should be gradual and prospective, then no one could complain of either partial or public injury. It is melancholy to reflect, that the clergy of the church of England are, at this day, subject to greater hardships than any other class of men in the kingdom; we see with what malevolence they are attacked by the hypocrite, the enthusiast, and the infidel; we see what difficulties they have to encounter, to receive their lawful property, which in general is little more than half of what is their just due. Many others might be enumerated, and yet, at the same time, we observe them in the most critical and trying times of public danger, doing their duty with zeal and ability. Surely, then, the clergy deserve the good will of the public, and the protection of the state.-I have the honour to be, Sir, &c. SENEX.-Feb. 1806.

PRUSSIA

PUBLIC PAPER.

-Memorial of Baron Von Hardenberg, Minister of State to the King of Prussia, to Lord Harrowly. Dated Berlin, Dec 22, 1805.

MY LORD; -Conformably to the answer I have already had the honour to transmit to your Excellency, to the question which you addressed to me, relative to the security of the troops of his Britannic Maj. in the North of Germany, I hasten to lay before you the positive assurances which I have the pleasure to be able to communicate to you-Your Exc. is acquainted with the present state of affairs. You will first perPoint to which matters unfortunate battle

ceive

of Austerlitz, between Austria and France, in consequence of the return of the great Russian army, and the total uncertainty in which we are with regard to the intentions of Napoleon towards Prussia, the utmost caution is absolutely necessary. The bravest army cannot always reckon upon success; and it is, undoubtedly, the interest of Prus sia, and the interest of the whole world, to' prevent any attack upon her at the present moment, when she would have to bear the whole burden of the war; and no confede racy adapted to circumstances has been formed; for, in case her armies should prove unsuccessful, the last ray of hope, to maintain the security and independence of the Continent, would be extinguished.The King still animated by the same wish to establish a general peace on a permanent footing, and, if possible, to the satisfaction of all parties, must consequently have been ardently desirous that his mediation, stipulated in the convention signed on the 3d of Nov. at Potsdam, should have been accepted by France. In an interview which Count Von Haugwitz had with Napoleon on the 28th Nov. that Monarch manifested a disposition to accept of this mediation, on the two following conditions:-1. That during the negociation no troops of his Britannic Maj. nor any Russians or Swedes should advance into Holland to commence warlike operations there, after their departure from the North of Germany. 2. That a more extensive circuit should be allowed to the fortress of Hameln, in order to relieve the distress of the garrison for provisions.--The King could not accept these propositions under the circumstances of the moment in which they were made: but these have totally changed, and in the present conjuncture his Maj. has not only judged them admissible-upon condition that the Emperor Napoleon engages, on his side, not to send any troops into the North of Germany, as long as the negocia tions shall continue, and that he shall not undertake any thing against Hanover during the same interval; but even favourable, as time will thus be gained to take more deliberate measures, and to prepare for every contingency, either in case a war should break out, or this intermediate state of things should lead to a definitive negociation.— That no time may be lost, his Maj. has sent Major Von Pfuhl to the French. head-quarters, that this arrangement may be carried into effect. At the same time, Count Haugwitz has received the necessary instructions, bearing date the 19th inst. and the King has given France to understand, that he shall consider the occupation. of Hanover by

REF.PENCE

DROM