to his right honourable friend, Mr. Hiley Addington (one of the paid members of the Board of Controul), whether the printing of the papers, which have been ordered, would not take up some months; to which Mr. Hiley answered that it would; whereupon Mr. Paull observed, that this gentleman could know nothing of the matter, seeing that all the papers were to come from the India House, and not from the Board of Controul! When, however, the papers, or any of them, are produced, which will be next week, perhaps, then the Charge will be printed; and, having the Charge before him, each member will, as the documents come out, be able to see how far they support it.Thus has this Charge brought things into a right and regular train. As far as we, out of doors, can come at the facts, we shall now know how to proceed in the making up of our opinions. We shall know how to arrange the objects of our inquiry, We shall know what to read and to think about, which, hitherto, we have not known. This Charge is truly a drastic potion, and Mr. Paull must be a very unskilful physician, if he be surprised at its gall-stirring effectsA Quaker, in Philadelphia, used to write to ine, about once a week, in these words: "Friend William, keep thyself cool." This advice I hand over to Mr. Paull; and, if he follow it, he will see a day when, his present pursuit being over, he will have leisure to laugh, as I frequently have done, and now do, at the ingenious turns and devices of the author of The Forty Thieves." INSOLVENT DEBTORS.before the House of Lords, a bill for the release of Insolvent Debtors. This bill was to have been brought in by Lord Moira; but, he being engaged in an official situation, the task has devolved upon LORD HOLLAND, who, in this, as well as in many other instances which have heretofore been noticed in the Register, has, in my opinion, discovered a mind well adapted to subjects above the reach of politicians in general. With respect to the code of Debtor-Laws, I once thought it (merely because it was English, perhaps) wise and just; but, a more extensive view of the subject, to which I was first led by observations made by Lord Moira, has convinced me of my error; has convinced me, that it is unwise, and unjust, and is in direct hostility with that glorious assemblage of principles, which constitute the common law of England, and which, upheld by the morality of the peo ple, do, more than all other circumstances put together, distinguish the English goyernment from all the other governments in -There is now the world. To these principles, breathing freedom in every accent; watching, with never-ceasing solicitude, over personal liberty; barring up every avenue to oppression, from whatever quarter it may come; so nicely and so justly distinguishing between crimes and misfortunes; to these principles what can be so outrageously hostile as that code, which, as to consequences, renders misfortune a crime, and which, for the crime of owing ten pounds, exposes an Englishiman to be deprived of his personal liberty for life?For the effects of this terrible code the occasional passing of Insoivent Bills is the only remedy, or rather paliative. In 1804, one of these bills was passed to clear, or, at least, to thin, the crowded prisons. They are now again teeming with tenants, and with misery greater than ever. Yet, in the face of this melancholy fact, certain merchants and traders are, the newspapers tell us, about to petition against Lord Holland's bill; alledging, that it is an ex post facto law, and that it will be injurimus to trade! As to the last mentioned. allegation, need I say any thing in answer to those, who would keep six or seven thousand of their countrymen shut up in prison, the wives and children of many of them starving, for the sake of the advancement of trade? Need any thing be said in answer to the expression of a desire, at once so foolish and so detestable?As to the bill being ex post facto; that it is not, because the creditors were fully aware, that it was customary to pass acts of Insolvency. Of real injury, the creditor cannot complain, seeing that the debtor is, by the same law that releases him, compelled to give up all his property, real as well as personal, and that, every thing he may acquire after his release is liable to be seized by the creditor; which last provision is, in the extreme, unjust towards the debtor, and impolitic with respect to its conse quences in the state. Still, however, the enemies of this bill, this act of reai humanity and of justice, as far as it goes in favour of the debtor, hold up their law, and, like Shylock with his bond in his hand, demand its rigorous execution. But, who is it, that thus addresses us? In whose behalf is it, that this demand of strict justice; this protest against yielding to the voice of many; in whose behalf is it, that these are made to the parliament? In behalf of the merchants and traders of England; in behalf of those who have frequently come to that same parliament and asked for the means of saving them from ruin, which means, from the fruit of the labour of the people, that parliament have as repeatedly, and without hesitation, granted? Of er post facto laws do they com plain? What was the law, which, to prevent them from rain, was passed to make bank notes a legal tender; a law, which, in a moment, broke the contract between the merchants at the Bank and the holders of their notes; a law which rendered eleven millions. worth of promisory notes (payable to bearer in specie) no longer payable in specie? What was this law? And yet, this is the description of persons that complain of er post facto lawsThe particular provisions of this bill shall be noticed hereafter, if, indeed, any thing more can be thought necessary than merely to draw the attention of my readers to the subject.- I will just add, that I am certain, that the better part, and even the greater part, of the merchants and traders of England are in favour of this bill. PRUSSIA. -In subsequent pages of this sheet will be found the documents relative to the war with this power. That this war can do us little harm is certain; because the same effects, to our trade would have been produced without a war with Prussia. Yet, the main professed object of the war does really seem to be quite wild; and, as to the principle, upon which it is stated to have been begun, by us, I shall be very much surprised, if any man be able to maintain it. The war is for the Electorate of Hanouer. This is clear, as well from the official note of Mr. Fox as from the tenour of his speech; and, that England may be justified in entering into this war, as the ally of Hanover there can be no doubt; but, that she can be considered as the party injured, without admitting the right of conquest, on the part of France, it is, I think, impossible to maintain. The excluding our vessels from the ports of the North is a good ground of war, in point of right; and without more time to reflect upon the subject, I will not even suppose the measure to be, in that view of it, inexpedi ent. But, to enter into the war, as a principal, on account of the seizure of Hanover, has, as far as I am able to judge, neither right nor expediency on its side.This opinion, I shall, in my next sheet, endeavour to support by argument; unless I should, in the mean while, hear something to convince me of my error, which error I shall, in such case, not be at all ashamed to confess.The parliament has, I know, unanimously approved of this war; but, without attempting to trace that unanimity to its cause, I must say, that it does not, in the smallest degree, influence my view of the question.. VOLUNTEER RANK. SIR,You have several times, noticed the impropriety of military rank being given to volunteer officers, as cheapening the henours and rewards bestowed upon the professional soldier, and wounding the feelings of men who have devoted their lives to the painful duties of a military life; but there are other reasons of great weight against the practice. It is wrong, not only in a military but a constitutional view. The conferring such rank serves no useful purpose, but, on the contrary, by extending court influence, has a very ill effect and tendency; the minister therefore who grants it, acts upon an erroneous or a corrupt principle; and the acceptance betrays either an unbecoming hankering after court favours, a silly vanity, or a want of constitutional knowledge. In the militia, army rank, by commissions im, mediately from the King, was first given in the winter of 1778, or the spring of 1779, to the colonels, many of whom were in parliament, and were not thought to rise in independent spirit, as they rose in imaginary honours. In the succeeding summer, a de putation from the lieutenant-colonels and majors of the camp on Coxheath, in Kent, arrived in the camp on South Sea Common, near Portsmouth, proposing a joint applica tion of all the field-officers of those two ranks throughout the militia, to be made to his Majesty, for army rank under royal commissions; and, doubtless, had there been any value in the thing, those classes had as good pretensions as their colonels. The writer, then one of those to whom the invi tation was addressed, opposed the application as altogether improper. Observing to the meeting, that the House of Representatives are, in a legal and constitutional sense, the Commons in Parliament assembled; so, he argued, that the militia, or martial representatives of the civil state, were, in a con-stitutional sense, the people themselves bearing arms; whereas the army were a body of men hired and paid by the people for their foreign wars, or other services. The very highest rank in the army was obtained by being selected as guards for the King, who makes but one branch of the government; whereas, it is the office of the militia to guard the whole and every thing vital to the constitution and liberties of the country. Even the whole of the army, the King's guards and all, may at any moment be sent out of the realm on foreign duty, so that even the title of King's guards, did not necessarily and essentially constitute them even the protectors of his person; while, on the other hand, the principles of a militia (although we have seen them since violated) necessarily make it the guardian of the whole government and state; and it is only a corrupt policy that looks for other guardians, take any, not even one for commodities manufactured by them and brought to a public market, while they took the provincial notes without scruple. This arises from the apprehension of forged bank notes, which apprehension the country bankers encourage as much as possible. The cause of this immense circulation of paper, is undoubtedly the restriction of the Bank of En gland from paying in cash, which leaves the Again, the standing army was a body eyed at all times with so much constitutional jealousy, that this army never had, and he trusted never would have, more than an existence from year to year, wholly dependent upon the legislature, whether it should or should not have a being; whereas the armsbearing of the people was at all times an inherent right, and essential to the preservation of their freedom. For these reasons it must be seen, that nothing but an unacquaint-people the choice of the two, and they preance with our constitution, or vanity, or a servile mind, could court a distinction peculiar to a class of men, who embracing arms as a profession or trade, have, during their continuance in the army, sold their freedom to advance their fortunes, and parted with their independence with views of ambition or military fame; and that, so from soliciting army rack, if offered them, it ought to be rejected as a bait to break down their independence and an encroachment on their liberties. Suffice it to say, to the honour of the second and third rank of held-officers of that time, nothing more was heard of a desire for army rank. -PRO LEGIBUS ET LIBERTATE. PAPER CURRENCY. SIR,The present state of paper currency is an evil of the greatest magnitude, and calls for immediate remedy. It oppresses and impoverishes the people, to support in luxury an army of speculators, quartered in every town in the kingdom, who not only circulate their paper to an enormous amount, and thereby enhance the price of every article of consumption, but charge an interest to the public for the mere exchange of paper. If individuals put their names to paper, and circulata it as a matter of mutual, accommodation, they must pay interest for the money raised thereon. This is bad enough; because it puts the man of real property and him of no property upon a footing, and the speculator will engage in hazardous enterprises, to the great injury of the fair trader, possessing property of his own, who would not put it to that risk. But a country banker circulates his paper, not only without paying interest for the money received upon it, bu absolutely charges interest for it. Individual. engaged in mines, iron works, large manu factories, and even waders in country towns, set up for bankers, pay all their workmen with their notes, and if they discount bills, it is done with their own paper. It is a fact too notorious to be denied, that little else is in circulation throughout the country. I have known instances myself, where the people have such an objection to bank notes, that they would not be prevailed upon to fer the provincial to bank notes. This re- Such governments may be useful to such men, and such men to such governments; but if they are suffered to increase, or even preserve their present influence, they may greatly embarrass any administration, however able, who honestly consult the true interests of their country, instead of the selfish views of these men. It must be evident, that the only means of counteracting these evils would be, for the Bank, should there be no substantial reasons to the contrary, to commence its payments in cash; it would at least be one great remedy for these evils; and, at all events, as the country bankers gain 5 per cent. on all the paper they have in circulation, they should pay a high duty, equal to one, or one and a quarter per cent. thereon.- -R. W.-Winchmore Hill, April 20th, 1906. VOLUNTEERS. It is SIR, I have felt exceedingly concerned on reading a passage of your last Register, in which you express your determination to demolish the column, which is to be erected on Epsom downs, in honour of the Southwark volunteers. The subject touches me very closely. I will explain; you must know then, Sir, that the projectors of this erection, wisely judging that a column was of little use without an inscription, and having also been told that nothing was equal to verse in conferring immortality, applied to me to exercise my talents upon the occasion. I must confess, that I acceded to their proposal with great alacrity; but less on account of the pecuniary compensation than from the pleasing idea of having my lines inscribed, in large characters, on a beautiful slab of marble, and read by all the passers by, for, at least, a century to come. not often, let me tell you, that the works of modern poets secure such durability, and such numerous readers. Your resolution, however, destroys, at once, my promised gratification. It bears peculiarly hard too upon ne. Masons, perhaps, may have no objection to seeing their labours pulled to pieces, or forgotten; but this, I can safely affirm, is not the case with poets. As to the Volunteers, you have taken good care that they shall be remembered. But what is to be done, Sir, about my fame, upon which you are so cruelly putting your extinguisher? This is a tender point indeed; yet you have it in your power to set me completely at ease upon it, and, as you have an odd kind of impartiality about you, I think you will oblige me. If you have really made up your mind to demolish the column, then print my verses in your Register, and I shall always be, your obedient, humble servant,-T TAGRHIME.-Type Street, April 23, 1806. INSCRIPTION FOR THE COLUMN ON EPSOM Reader! thou wou dst fain know why An extempore Ode to a modern Poet, on reading his "Ode to the Volunteers of "England." Oh no more of such rhime! At least so to me it appears, And puzzle your crown, Writing odes to our rare Volunteers. They must shine in some lays; To the task be the bell-man deputed; While the doggrel they eye, That the song to the subject is suited. What devil could induce You to put to such use A muse so delightful as your's? You might just as well, If the truth I must tell, Have be-oded a bundle of skewers. But when in your verse, So neat, and so terse, You talk of the Volunteers dying, For their country in fight, We swear, by this light! You must either be mad or be lying! Yet in justice I'll say, Should there e'er come a day, These heroes that calls to the field, Sore as e'er I was born, Not a soul but will scorn, Himself for a prisoner to yield, No, never the chain Of those Frenchmen so vain, Shall the legs of our Volunteers hampert For to me 'tis quite clear, When the first gun they hear, Away in a body they'll scamper! When once they've begun, Like greyhounds to run, He who catches them sure will be cunning; Fou though as to fight, I've small thoughts of their might, I've great thoughts indeed of their running. As to you we all own That much merit you've shown, And maidens are washing with tears. No tears will the women be shedding; Should get trampled to death, Their widows will think but of wedding. Then, my friend, keep your laurels For those who the quarrels Of England by valour must settle: If the cits in red coat, On a garland will doat, SIR Why make them a large one of nettle? THE ARMY. -Whether the disasters of the late unfortunate campaign arose from the incapacity of our friends, or the abilities of our enemy; from the blunders of Mack, or the talents of Buonaparté, certain it is, we find ourselves again reduced to contend single-handed against France; against generals accustomed to conquer, and troops elated with victory. If the terrors of invasion, so industriously circu'ated and so g'owingly depicted, be founded on a conviction of its practicability, and used to rouse the courage and call forth the exertion of the peopic, from a sense that the dirty channel cannot alone afford us protection, our means of defence, our military force, becomes the object of consideration and inquiry." Is the army calculated for the exigency of the times? is it well organized, well commanded? These are questions every one puts, and would they could be satisfactorily answered. Leaving the volunteers to the disposal of those who maintain their efficiency, I shall confine myself to what concerns our regular army alone. Where, however, are we to look for this army, destined to repel our audacious invaders, and drive them back with ignominy to their servile shores? Doubtless it is assembled at some convenient spot, near the most vulnerable part of our coast, there, under the eyes of experienced leaders, incessantly preparing itself to uphold the honour of the British name; to offer to the admiring world the brilliant spectacle of courage and discipline successfully defending their altars and their homes. But no; that army to which the country muts ultimately look, for its safety and independance, is frittered away in small detachments, along our widely extended boundary. Time, so precious and so fleeting, instead of being assiduously employed in perfecting an army, is wasted on its component parts. The grand principles of the art of war are lost in the frivolous attention to the minutia of dress and parade. We have fine regiments of infantry, of cavalry, and of artillery, but by no means a well-disciplined army. Our junior generals and superior officers, instead of learning the difficult art of commanding, through the rough and thorny paths of obedience, generally aim at its offices, as it were, by the grace of God and the King's pleasure. Entrusted with the command of small corps, they are apt to forget that they are subordinate characters, destined to act subordinate parts, when united in larger ones, and either lord it away in all the plenitude of power, or too often sink quietly into the lap of indolence and luxury. And when the god of war, with his brazen trump, rouzes them from their lethargie slumbers, how are they qualified to fulfil the duties of their station; how can they pretend to answer to their country for the lives of the brave men under their orders? Indeed. some dainty, well-fed aid-de-camp may tell us, that the art of war is not to be acquired; that that coup d'oeil, that intuitive glance, those master-strokes which decide the fate of empires, are the fruits of genius alone, the bounteous gifts of nature. With how sparing a hand though does she distribute them. Look into the copious volume of history; see, amongst endless details of wars and of battles, how few great generals have been produced. If it record the talents and victories of a Turenne, a Marlborough, or a Frederic, of how many hundred others is it only the calendar of disgrace. An army is a complicated machine, all the parts of which require to be frequently united by the hand of a master, or it becomes inert and useless. Instead, therefore, of parcelling out the army in small bodies, it would conduce to the improvement and information of officers of every rank, to assemble it in camps of instruction, there to teach it the grand manœuvres, thus procuring, in a state of peace, all the advantages of actual warfare. This was practised with success by Lord Cathcart, in Ireland, and on too small a scale by Sir John Moore, at Shorncliffe. And perhaps when a certain office shall cease to resemble a merchant's counting-house, and dull detail give place to wise and efficient measures, these examples may be more generally followed, and the country enabled to regard with proud indifference the menacing preparations of the enemy. I have thus endeavoured to point out the disadvantages of our present mode of distributing the army, as it affects its discipline and the intelligence of the superior officers. At a future oppor tunity, I will offer some remarks on its incompatibility, with a well-digested plan of defence.- ARISTARCHUS.- Canterbury, 10th March, 1806. |