English troops in the North of Germany is become; since the retreat of the foreign troops is the condition upon which France has promised not to order her troops to reenter Hanover, and since also it was upon this supposition alone, that the King guaranteed heir security, I presume, that Lord Catheart has already received, and is upon the point of executing the orders of his court for the return of those troops, for which transports have been waiting for some time past. I have, however, to request, Sir, that you would, for the purpose of still further dispatch, write to the commander-in-chief on the subject, and, acquainting him with the present circumstances, that you would

Translation of Inclosure in No. I.

SIR;-I hasten to fulfil the promise given to Lord Harrowby, on the Sth of this month, to communicate to you, Sir, as soon as a final decision should be taken on the subject, the additional circumstances relating to the security of the North of Germany, and to the guarantee by the King, of the safety of those British troops which are in that part of the Continent.-A messenger from Munich has just brought his Maj. intelligence of the consummation of the arrangements which the present conjuncture of affairs has induced him to enter into with France, in order to save those countries, and especially the States of Hanover, from the misfortunes of another ruinous war, and to insure their tranquillity. As these arrangements stipulate particularly the committing of that country to the exclusive guard of the Prussian troops, and to the administration of the King, until the conclusion of a peace between England and France, his Maj. could not delay taking the necessary measures for the entry therein of a corps of his army, which will be under the orders of his Exc. the Gen. of Cavalry, Count Schulenberg Kehnert, to whom also the King has confided the administration of the country. His Maj. animated by the most lively desire to see the importance and the urgency of the motives which have induced him to take these steps, justly appreciated by his Britannic Maj. and his enlightened ministers, has directed Baron Jacobi to give a detailed explanation thereof at London.-It would be superfluous to point out to your attention, how urgent and indispensible in the present state of affairs, the re-embarkation of the

him, a measure, in which these circumstances, and the approaching arrival of our troops, will not admit of any delay. I request you to accept, &c. (Signed) HARDENBERG. Berlin, Jan. 26.

No. 2.-His Prussian Majesty's Proclametion on taking temporary possession of the Electorate of Hanover, dated Jan. 27, 1806.

We, Frederic William, by the grace of God, King of Prussia, &c. &c. hereby make known, &c. After the events which have terminated in peace between Austria and France, all our endeavours have been directed to ward off from these districts the flames of war, and its disastrous consequences, which momentarily threatened the North of Germany, and particularly the countries of the Electorate of Brunswick, With this view, and as the only possible means to attain it, a convention has been made and concluded between us and the Emperor of the French, in pursuance of which, the states of his Brit. Maj. in Germany will not be again occupied by French, or other troops combined with them; and, till the conclusion of a general peace, will be wholly occupied and governed by us; in pursuance of which, we have caused the Brunswick Electoral Countries to be occupied by the corps under the command of our General of Cavalry, Count Vonder Schulenburgh Kehnert, to whom, in our name, and till the peace, we entrust the administration of the said countries, in such manner that, through him, and the commission of government which he may, think proper to appoint, all affairs relating to the government of the country may be transacted, and the necessary orders thereto communicated to the interior magistracy and magistrates.We therefore charge, as well those, as the prelates, nobles, citizens, and all subjects and inhabitants of the said country, without exception, to conforn themselves duly to these dispositions

made for their welfare; and also to the commands of our before-mentioned commissaries of administration, and the commission by them to be appointed, as well with regard to civil as military affairs; not only not throwing any impediment in the way of our troops which are to march in, but to assist and afford them all the information in their power; and in the high or more general affairs of the country, and also in propositions and petitions thereto relating, alone and only to address themselves to the beforementioned commissaries of administration, as standing highest under our immediate orders. As by this measure we have in view the repose and tranquillity of the North of Germany and of the Brunswick States, so we have resolved to pay out of our Treasury for the necessaries for our troops, according to the peace establishment, and leaving the extraordinary expenses of a state of war to be defrayed by the country; while we, on another hand, shall take care in general, that its revenues, during our adininistration, after deducting the expenses ef govt., shall only be appropriated to its advantage.-We further promise, that our troops shall observe the strictest discipline; that attention shall be given to all just complaints; and in general, that every quiet and peaceable inhabitant shall be maintained in his property and rights, and, in case of need, be vigorously protected; but that, on the contrary, those who may refuse to conform themselves to the dispositions concluded on, and the meadures which have been taken, or who inay sare to counteract them in anywise, will have to reproach themselves for the rigid and disagreeable consequences which will unavoidably result to them. Given under the signature of our hand, at Berlin, the 27th Jan. 1906. (L. S.) FREDERIC WILLIAM. VON HARDENBERG.

No. 3.-Copy of a Note from Mr, Secretary For to Baron Jacobi Kloest, dated 17th March, 1806.

The undersigned is commanded by his Maj. to state to Baron Jacobi Kloest for the information of his court, the great anxiety felt by his Maj. at the manner in which possession has been taken of the Electorate of Hanover. If his Prussian Maj, judged it expedient, in order to prevent French troops from approaching so near that part of his frontier, to take to himself the military occupation of the Electorate, it does not appear to his Maj, that it was by any means necessary that the civil govt, of that unhappy country should be subverted, or that an army more numerous, and consequently more injurious to the inhabitants, than necessity required, should be maintained there. His

Maj. relies, with the greatest confidence, on bis Prussian Majesty's declaration, that the present occupation is merely temporary; but his Maj. cannot but express a wish, that the declaration on this point were more solemnly made in the face of Europe. The honour of the Court of Berlin, as well as the consideration mutually due to each other from two princes, so nearly connected in blood and alliance, seem to call for a clear explanation on this important subject.-His Maj. on his part desires to be equally explicit, and to put an end to all hopes, if such indeed have been entertained by the Court of Berlin, that any convenience of political arrangement, much less any offer of equivalent or indemnity, will ever induce his Maj. so far to forget what is due to his own legiti mate rights, as well as to the exemplary fidelity and attachment of his, Hanoverian subjects, as to consent to the alienation of the Electorate. His Maj. learns with concern, that it is in agitation to give up Anspach and other parts of his Prussian Majesty's domi nions to Bavaria, in consequence of a convention with France; but he does not pretend any right to interfere, or to give any opinion, with respect to the propriety of the measures, whatever they may be, which his Prussian Maj, may, deem eligible for the interests of his crown and people; at the same time it is to be observed, that his Maj. whether in his capacity of King of Great Britain, or in that of Elector of Hanover, was in no wise a party to the convention alluded to, or responsible for its consequences. The cessions, therefore, which his Prussian Maj. may make to his Majesty's enemies, can surely never be alleged as a justification of taking to himself his Majesty's lawful inheritance. His Maj., therefore, hopes that bis Prussian Maj. will follow the honourabi dictates of his own heart, and will demonstrate to the world, that whatever sacrifices the present circumstances may induce him to make, with respect to his own territories, he will not set the dreadful example of indemnifying himself at the expense of a third party, whose sentiments and conduct towards his Prussian Maj. and his subjects, have been uniformly friendly and pacific. Downing-street, March 17, 1806.

(Translation of No. 4.)-Note Verbale.

Until the explosion of the last conti nental war, his Prussian Maj. had no other object in view, than to secure the tranquillity of his monarchy, and that of the neighbouring states. He was then able to effect this upon terms which met the entire appro bation of every court. He has been destrous of doing the same since the breaking out of the present war. But the choice of

the means has no longer been in his power, France has considered Hanover as her conquest, and her troops were on the point of entering it for the purpose of disposing of it definitively, according to the pleasure of the French Emperor, without the possibility of his Britannic Majesty's preventing it.-The occupation of that country by his Prussian Maj., and the shutting of the ports in the German seas, and that of Lubeck, against the British flag, (as was the case during the possession of Hanover by the French), were the indispensible conditions of an arrangement by which the country is secured against the entry of foreign troops, and the quiet of the North of Germany preserved.This has not been obtained without painful sacrifices on his Majesty's part. Those of the House of Hanover are in no degree to be attributed to the King's measures, but are the inevitable consequences of a war, which his conciliating policy has in vain endeavoured to prevent. This war might have produced still more serious consequences, The treaty between Prussia and France at least protects the Northern States from farther evils, and could every power but duly appre ciate how much they are indebted to the system he has adopted, the King would with justice obtain the gratitude of all.

No. 5.

-Proclamation of Count Schulenburgh, announcing the Shutting of the Ports of the North Sea against the British Ships and Trade, dated Hanover, 28th March, 1806.

In a treaty which has been concluded between his Maj. the King of Prussia, my most gracious Sovereign, and his Imperial Maj. the Emperor of France and King of Italy, it has been stipulated, that the ports of the North Sea, as well as all rivers running into it, shall be shut against the British ships and trade, in the same manner as when the French troops occupied the states of Hanover. In conformity to the orders I have received, I make this known to those whom it may concern, that they may guard against the consequences, as the troops of the King my master have received orders to warn off and not to admit such English ships as may endeavour to enter these ports and rivers, and as all necessary and proper measures will be adopted to prevent the introduction and transit of British goods. (Signed) The Compte de SCHULENBURG KEHNERT, His Prussian Majesty's Gen. of Cavalry and Commander-in-Chief of the Corps d'Armée,

Hanover, 28th March, 1806.

No. 6.-Proclamation of his Prussian Maj.

for taking definitive possession of Hanover, dated Berlin, 1st April, 1806.

We, Frederick William III. King of Prussia, &c. hereby make known what follows: The wish to preserve and to secure to our true subjects, and to the states of the North of Germany bordering upon our provinces, the continuance of the blessings of peace; was at all times the object of our unceasing efforts. We flattered ourselves that we should attain this desirable end, by the resolution which we took in consequence of late occurrences, and which we made known by our patent of the 27th of Jan. by which the states of the Electoral House of Brunswick Luneburg were to be occupied by our troops, and taken into our civil administration. But as, since that time, the actual occupation of the states of Hanover, in exchange for the cession of three provinces of our monarchy, has become indispensibly nécessary to the permanent tranquillity of our subjects and of the bordering states, we have signed a convention with his Maj. the Enperor of the French, King of Italy, in conformity to which, the legal possession of the states of the Electoral House of Brunswick Luneburg, belonging by the right of conquest to his Imperial Maj. is granted to us in exchange for the cession of three of our provinces, and in virtue of farther solemn guarantees on each side.-In conformity to this, we hereby declare, that the countries of this Electoral House of Brunswick Luneburg in Germany, from this time forth, are to be considered as being in our possession, aud subject to our power alone. From this time forth, the govt. and administration of these states will be administered exclusively, and authority. We require accordingly hereby alone in our name, and under our supreme the different magistrates dutifully to continue the functions confided to them, in our name, and under the superior controul of Gen. Count de Shulenbourg Kelmert, who is named our commissioner, and of the commission formed by him. We expect no less from the nobility, the prelates, the burghers themselves willingly to this new order of and subjects of these states, that they submit things, from which a new epoch of tranquillity and of happiness will shine forth, and give thereby a proof of their devoted attachment and love for their country, and of their sentiments towards us; as we on our -side shall certainly neglect no means of demonstrating our paternal solicitude for them, given at Berlin, 1st April, 1906. - (Signed) and our wish to render them happy. So

FREDERICK WILLIAM. SCHULENBURG. HAUGWITZ.

VOL. IX. No. 18.]

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS: AFFAIRS OF INDIA. (Continued from pages 171, 197, 237, 303, 368, 460, 530, 345, and 609.) Since the state of the proceedings against Lord Wellesley was given in page 624, there has been but one debate, in the House of Commons, upon the subject; and that was on Monday, the 28th instant, upon a motion made by Mr. Paull for printing the Charge, which he, as the reader was informed, laid upon the table on the prece ding Tuesday, and a report of which charge, as given in the newspapers, will be found in page 615.Mr. Paull, in making his motion on the 29th, began by producing seve ral precedents, showing that he was perfectly regular in bringing forward his Charge previous to the production of any documents, or other evidence, in support of it; and, from one precedent, it appeared, that so perfect is, or was, the right of impeachment in every member of the house, that any member had a right to prefer a charge against any subject of the realm upon the ground of mere report, or rumour! Yet, be it recollected, that, on the 22d instant, the " Man "of the People" told Mr. Paull, that he preferred the charge at his peril!" This is a phrase that ought never to be forgotten. It is the boldest attack that ever was made upon the privileges of the people as well as of their representatives. What does a member of parliament speak at his peril? And what is the difference between a charge made verbally and a charge made in writing? Many are the attempts, which, at different periods of our history, have been made to pare down the privileges of members of parliament; but this is an attempt to cut them tp by the roots. The privileges of parliament that are really useful to the people, are those of the individual member; but, of late

years, particularly, the great object of ministers seems to have been to fritter these away, and to make a loud noise about the privileges of the House; that is to say, of the majority and that is to say, of the ministry. Mr, Paull might, indeed, speak, he, who had seen that which he came to

[642

complain of, might speak, he might com. plain, he might even make a Charge; but he did it at his peril." Oh! what an excellent motto to write up over the door of the Whig-Club room!In the last debate, the Marquis of Douglas and Mr. Windham expressed their decided disapprobation of the manner, in which Mr. Paull had been treated at the time of bringing forward his Charge. The public had expressed their. disapprobation before; and, whatever may be thought of it, the feeling which that treat→ ment has excited, from one end of the country to the other, will not be easily done away. Mr. Paull, in the debate, to the subject of which we will now return, reminded the House, that, in the papers which had been delivered the day after his Charge was laid upon the table, there was evidence. in support of his Charge, and that, upon this ground, he now demanded, as his right, that the Charge should be printed. He went, into a very long, and a very able statement, to show how those papers bore upon the subject of the Charge. He clearly shewed, that this was the sort of evidence which Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan had represented as necessary to render the printing of the Charge proper; and, after much manly animadversion upon the conduct of his opponents, he concluded by saying, that he had. asked no one to second his motion, being resolved to leave it to the House to second it, or not, just as they pleased; whereupon MR. MARTIN of Tewksbury, following the so much applauded example of SIR WILLIAM, GEARY, who seconded the motion for taking the Charge into consideration, rose and seconded his motion. This conduct reflects great honour on these two gentlemen. It affords us an instance of the value of inde pendent men, though they may not be given to make long speeches. This is the proper mode of proceeding. A member of parlia ment sees cause to impeach a man. He brings his charge. He calls for the evidence to support it. Both come before the House; and, when the House are in possession of them, it is for them to do what they ¡ lease.

This is a thousand times better than impeachment by a party; which, besides that it can seldom be kept distinct from party motives, that is to say, motives very closely connected with the hope of getting into place, is pretty sure to be embarrassed by cabals, intrigues, and compromises.Once more to come back to the debate; Messrs. Fox, Sheridan, Lord Henry Petty, Dr. Laurence, and several others spoke, and, though they wished the motion to be withdrawn, for the present, said they would yote for it, if the House divided. The two former did, however, still adhere to their former complaint, that Mr. Paull, after having moved for, and obtained, volumes of papers relative to other parts of Marquis Wellesley's conduct, had passed over them, and had now brought a charge without any papers at all. But, they forgot to answer what Mr. Paull had before said, and which was perfectly true, that the papers relative to no one of his other intended charges were yet, in a complete state upon the table, though some of them had been moved for in the last session of parliament, The papers relating to the Oude Charge, for instance, consist of Nos. from 1 to 5; and, No. 3, which is by far the most bulky, is not delivered to this day, With what reason, then, was he reproached for not bringing some other Charge? And, what was left for him to do, but to bring a Charge first, and call for the documents afterwards? But, there is something so unfair and unjust in this representation about " vo"lumes of papers," that I must descend to particulars in order to expose it. Mr. Paull had moved for papers, in the last session of parliament, he had moved for some in this session. Obstacle upon obstacle, delay upon delay, had intervened; and, at the time when he laid his charge upon the table, at the very time when Messrs. Fox and Sheridan were reproaching him with having got volumes of papers without grounding any charge upon them; at that moment, the whole of the papers, called for by him, and delivered, amounted to no more than fiftyfour pages! And, at the moment when I am writing, the papers, thus called for and delivered, amount, in the whole, to only two hundred and thirty-three pages! The papers are now lying before me; and, as to the delay in the printing, there are twenty printing offices in London, at either of which the whole could have been printed in forty-eight hours.Where, then, are we to look for the candour, for the justice, which dictated the cry of volumes of papers?" And, where are we to look, too, for the real cause of the delay in producing these two hundred and

three pages of papers?It was, to be sure, with singular propriety that Mr. Sheridan joined in this cry! Mr. Sheridan, who,* so long ago as the year 1802, called for vo lumes of papers relative to this same Lord Wellesley's conduct in the Carnatic. He' obtained these papers. obtained these papers. Volumes indeed were they. They have been upon the table of the House of Commons ever since 1803.. Not a motion has he yet made upon them, though he has repeatedly pledged himself to prosecute the inquiry to the utmost. Now he comes and tells the House, that he still thinks the transactions in the Carnatic most flagitious; but, that he will not stir the subject, lest he should thereby divide the ministry! And yet this, this, this is the gentleman, who, in that same House of Commons, stands up and reproaches Mr. Paul with having called for papers without proceeding to ground a charge upon them! What could make a man think of acting thus? Why, I should be glad to know, is Mr. Sheridan be allowed this latitude any more than Mr. Paull, or any other man? Is it, that Mr. Paull is not a brother? It would seem as if he were regarded as an alien; an intruder, an evil-minded person come to disturb the order of the combat for place and emolu ment.Mr. Fox said, in the debate of Monday, that Mr. Paull had called for “vo"lumes of papers, none of which had been "refused him." No: not refused in words, but in act. Granted to him, but not put into his hands. And, besides, did Mr. Fox forget what had passed on the 19th of March, when Mr. Hiley Addington, seconded by Lord Temple, brought forward a motion to authorise the ministers to withhold, at their discretion, any of the India papers that had been ordered by the House. Mr. Fox was not decided as to the propriety of this motion: he found there were precedents for it; and, reader, observe, that these precedents were set by Lord Castlereagh! This made. Mr. Fox hesitate. He sat down without giving any opinion; and the motion was, at last, withdrawn, when it appeared, that there was a general feeling of indignation rising against it. Not refused," not actually refused, to be sure; but, the public will now be quite able to judge of the readiness, with which the papers have been granted.The motion of Mr. Paull was, as it has al ready been observed, seconded by Mr. Mar, tin of Tewksbury. Mr. Bragge (of whom we have not heard much since the 10th Res port appeared) inoved the previous question. His motion was seconded by Mr. Corry, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ire land. Both motions were, at last, with