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islands, and more especially Jamaica, because if he cannot sell there, he will have no ulterior resort.-I think it, altogether, unnecessary to say any thing more to shew that it behoves the West-India planter, above all others, to oppose the present bill, which in every point of view is injurious to his interests; because it not only renders more uncertain and more expensive the supply of labourers for his estates, but after having got them, it renders those very labourers of less value to him, by limiting his market, if he has occasion to sell them.It is a most erroneous notion, that our islands have but little concern in the discouragement of the British slave merchant; the planter must share in the burthens of the merchant, one strong proof of this is, the present enormous price of slaves, occasioned in a great degree by American competition unrestricted by limitations. The length of this letter deters me from offering observations on the consequences, that must result from the loss of those valuable returns, of bullion, dying stuffs, &c. which are so important to our colonies and manufactories; I cannot, however, dismiss the subject without adding a quotation from aletter which the last packet brought me from a respectable gentleman, who, encouraged by his Majesty's proclamation, established himself as a planter at Surinam. The cla"mour here (against the order in council "in August last for prohibiting the impor"tation of slaves) is universal; the Dutch " say, and very truly, that when they surrendered to the British, their faith was pledged that Surinam should enjoy the same privileges with the others (his Majesty's) colonies. The new beginners, on "estates, are ruined by the order; and the "holders of uncultivated lots, that they "have paid for, and upon which they have paid all the taxes, &c. are pour ainsi dire, deprived, if not of their property, of all "the value of it; namely, the right of "cultivation. From the construction our "lieut.-governor has put upon the order "and the conditions annexed to obtaining "the limited supply, the order amounts to

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a prohibition, insomuch, that I do not "expect to see any more negroes sold here "publicly. If there exists a cause stronger "than another that makes the negroes dis"satisfied, it is the want of women, par

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"the French, the Dutch, the Spaniards, or "the devil-I have been induced to give you the above quotation from having heard it mentioned in the House upon the report of the bill, that the planters themselves had evinced no dissatisfaction at the prohibi tion.-I am, Sir, your constant realer, and obedient servant.-C. S.-26th April, 1806,

MR. WINDHAM'S FLAN.

SIR,Your indulgence to my letter of the 8th instant, emboldens me to attempt a few further observations on the proposed change in military affairs. However much the vain and the weak may feel the loss of their empty titles, and gandy trappings, by the change of the volunteers, I am persuaded the principal cause of that ferment now existing in the country is, the idea of the distinction admitted by the new plan, by which the richer classes are to be allowed to amuse themselves in the present trifling system and which gives to the training, which if borne by all, would have been a hardship to none, the odious appearance of oppression on the lower classes. An absurd outery has been raised against the plan of mixing all ranks and conditions of men at these drills. I should like much to know what infection in body or in mind, the most delicate or conscientious can inhale, by standing or moving in a line, where silence and order must be the basis of every operation. It surely cannot be any of those, who as officers of the volunteers, have been in the daily habit of coaxing, begging and beseeching every shoe black in their corps to favour them with their attention, who are so squeamishly scrupulous. But, Sir, without forming any asylum, merely for the convenience of such men, they have the option of another species of service, in the ranks of the yeomanry, which under proper regulations will in time of need be found a most useful description of force, and well adapted for every purpose of desultory warfare. These corps should be arranged in squadrons, under the command of an officer with rank of captain, and a certain number of these squadrons should be placed under the direction of an officer of cavalry; not a general, followed by inspectors, aids-de-camp, &c. &c.; but under an intelligent and active officer, who would be more properly termed an instructor than an inspector, whose duty and authority should enable him to act, not to look and bow to these men. This officer of course should be appointed by his Majesty, and in the army. The abuses that have taken place in the appointment of the inspectors, will show the necessity of this latter regulation. The rules

under which these were appointed will be
found in the Register, Vol. IV. page 499.
And after reading these rules, I would ask
any man, if he should expect to find in the
list of these inspectors, field officers whose
laurels were gained in the fencibles or mili-
tia; officers, who in the midst of a war
had sold out of the army to the best bidder;
or, least of all, officers who had been order-
ed to quit the service? Can we wonder, Sir,
at the complaints against these men, or at
their fulsome compliments? Who can have
so perverted the meaning of distinguished re-
putation, as to recommend such appoint-
ments? I do not pretend to say, but I can
not suppose it possible that the commander-
in-chiet could be the person. If he had ad-
vised such a measure, I cannot think Mr.
Windham would point him out as the fittest
person, in whose hands the rewards and ho-
nours, of the soldier are to be deposited. Be-
fore I conclude this letter, I cannot help
joining my regret at the adoption of the
German troops, more particularly at seeing
British dragoons, at this moment dismount
ed, to be sent to defend colonies, and deli-
vering their horses to Germans to defend
our own country. This is not the system to
which we looked forward, when under the
enlightened and liberal genius of Mr. Wind-
ham, nor can I help suspecting that the same,
temporising policy, so strongly pourtrayed in
the other branches of the government, cramps
his energies in the military-department.
I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, MILES.
April 28, 1806.

HANOVERIAN, WAR.

ration, rendered still more important by it cordial adoption by Mr. Fox, who avows that he felt particular pleasure in announcing it to the Prussian minister. I mean his Majesty's explicit assurance, that "no conve "nience of political arrangement shall in"duce him to consent to the alienation of "the Electorate."- -Now, this leads to a conclusion, which cannot fail to be highly alarming to every man who feels the pressure of the war; (and who is there that is not tremblingly alive to such feelings?) for it holds out to us the comfortable prospect, that our cabinet will be little inclined to any negociation, which shall not have for its la sis the restoration of this Electorate. To how formidable a distance does this throw our prospect of peace! And, after all, Mr. Cobbett, does the object appear to any man of plain understanding to be attainable, unless under circumstances, and in consequence of events on the Continent, which do not, at this moment, present themselves as at all probable to the most sanguine imagination?

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Sir, what I would wish to depreciate, is the very thing which seems now aimed at, as if by general consent of all parties; namely, an attempt to interest the generous feelings of Englishmen at the expense of their judg ment:" never give up the loyal inhabitants * of Hanover," cries Mr. Fox, and Lord Castlereagh echoes the injunction. Wher they do agree at St. Stephens, as Mr. Puff says, their unanimity is wonderful.”—— But, Sir, is it consistent with a genuine spirit of loyalty and patriotism, to ask these orators of congenial fire to descend from the clouds, and inform us in the first place, how SIR,→→→I am induced to trouble you with the restoration of these territories is to be efa few hasty remarks on Mr. Fox's late speech, fected, and in the next, (if we may be allowon occasion of his Majesty's Message to Par-ed to whisper the question) how far the obliament, Whether my observations may ject is worth attaining? That his Majesty coincide with your opinion on the subject, Inust feel a fond attachment to the domiknow not, but in one point, I think we shall agree that discussion must lead to good inasmuch as it tends to the ascertainment of facts, and the establishment of political truth; and that these are times, which demand, on great public occasions, a manly avowal of opinions, without regard to individual advantage, party prejudices, or public clamour.

With all the impressive eloquence that could flow from elevated genius, and an ardent and generous mind, Mr. Fox held out to merited censure, the disgraceful policy of the Prussian cabinet. The people of this country are (nationally speaking) animated with a spirit too similar to his own, not to feel, as he would wish, a general sentiment of ludignation.", "But, Sir, let me call your attention to one part of his Majesty's decla

But, were

nions of his ancestors is naturally to be ex-
pected; and every man of a generous mind
must sympathise in his grief and indignation,
at the unprincipled aggression which has
torn them from his possession.
not the advice more sage, though perhaps
less palatable, that should rather endeavour
to reconcile him to an inevitable loss, than
encourage wild and rash hopes of redeeming
it? In spite of local attachments, true Bri-
tish interests must ever be the primary ob-
ject of a British Sovereign; and it were al
most treason to suppose it possible that his
Majesty could wish, his cabinet advise, or his
people acquiesce in, the protraction of a
hopeless contest, or the sacrifice of any great
national object, for the redemption of conti
nental, dominion. Sir, these times of

COLONIAL SERVICE,

SIB, In a letter addressed to you, under date the 30th of March, inserted in your Register of the 5th of April, Major Cartwright puts the following queries to you. "But now, Mr. Cobbett, let me, in ny

turn, ask you, if you have duly.consider"ed, the demands of men for all foreign

services, before the residne becomes ap"plicable. to home defence. Where you "shall have provided garrisons for Gibral"tar, Malta, the Cape of Good Hope; ar"mies for Canada, New Brunswick, and "all our West India Islands; other armies "for our widely extended Asiatic domi"nions; and our Asiatic wars; others. "again för Guernsey, Jersey, and Ireland; "besides a disposeable force for Mediterranean or other expeditions; how many of

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your 200,000 men will be left at home; "and after making the necessary deduc"tions for raw recruits, remain as our effi"cient defence?"- Forcibly struck with difficulties, similar to the preceding; a gen tleman who, for some time, had a seat in the present Parliament, was induced to submit the following ideas to the House of Commons, and there, though they were ut tered with some degree of confusion, from his want of the habit of public speaking, or ability to arrange them, they so far attracted notice, that one of the late ministry, in his own name, and in that of his principal, de

strange event are pregnant with incidents of calamity, with losses, and privations. In those of an humbler station the progress of its deterioration is less observeable, but not less constant and oppressive, while those in the highest, who could in happier periods, almost mock the inconstancy of fortune, are now subject to its most terrible reverses. When we contemplate empires reduced to comparative insignificance, kingdoms torn from their ancient dynasties, and free nations subjected to a foreign yoke, we shall the less wonder and repine at the separation of Ha nover from the Crown of Great Britain; and if we can preserve to our, Sovereign the lat ter, unimpaired in splendour, dignity, and power, though we may regret the loss of the former, as an evil, we ought to be grateful for the comparative good,-Unhappily, there appears an unavoidable necessity for our Sovereign and his people, for the present; to give way to the dreadful change in the state of the Continent, produced by events, which, the sagacity of Mr. Fox foresaw, and which an administration conducted by him might have averted, but which now are not to be cured and controuled. At the same time this necessary acquiescence should be coupled with a firm, steady determination to defend all the blessings and advantages, which our insular situation has hitherto preserved to us, and which it cannot fail ever to secure, if we unite prudence, with energy, and husband our ample resources. But, Mr. Cobbett, Isired to have them in writing; and they protest against all fits of philanthropic fury; against all wild denunciations; against all rash vows of continuing to make war for unattainable, or unimportant objects. What I had intended for the loose occupa tion of an hour, has grown to unallowable diffuseness. I had intended to touch on the consequences of the present change to his Majesty's Hanoverian subjects, for I must be allowed to doubt, whether, in the actual state of the Continent, it is altogether so inuch to their disadvantage as has been supposed. I should also, with reluctance, a vert to a sort of side wind inuendo, in Mr. Fox's speech, as to the importance of Hanover as an appendage to Great Britain: position which, I think, it would require all his ingenuity to maintain seriously-If this letter, subject to such compression and alte ration as you think fit, or any part of it appear worth notice, it is at your and the public service. If not, my object will be gain ed, if it, only leads you to reflect on, and discuss the subject it contains with your usual keenness of research, and boldness of remark- -BRITANNICUS.

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were accordingly, hastily thrown upon paper
and delivered to him. -Previously to the
gentleman's vacating his seat, the substance
of them was also transmitted to Mr. Fox.-I
am not without apprehension, Mr. Cobbett,
from the contempt with which, if I recollect
right, you have in some part of your work,
spoken of the people, of whom my opini
is very different, that these ideas may meet
with but an unfavourable reception from
you, and I have an additional reason to sus-
pect this, front not having observed any sub.
sequent notice bestowed on them, by those
to whom they were originally submitted.-

At all events, however, I will now ven➡ ture to lay them before you, confident that you will endeavour to dismiss, as far as in" your power, all undue prejudice from your mind, and after obtaining information from those able to furnish it, afford the subject a candid consideration. They were then as follows: viz." From what has passed lately in the Island of St. Domingo, our West-ludian colonies appear exposed to new and in minent danger, both internal and external, and it is, therefore, the part of prudence to

make early provision to meet its occurrence., It is impossible to suppose the Negroes of our colonies unacquainted with the success of their brethren, or unanimated with the hope of being able at some period or other to imitate their example *.-The West-Indian islands have hitherto furnished few, or no resources of offensive war to their European masters, and their exterior means of defence can no longer be relied on as formerly. In the event of an attack from without, abetted by internal commotion, it would cer tainly be found insufficient, except provided on a scale much larger than can be afforded, consistent with the pressing necessity of keeping our forces, as much concentered as possible at home. The destructive ravages which the climate of the West-Indies have ever been found to make in the constitutions of our countrymen, must also render it extremely difficult to keep up, even our present establishment of troops in them; for, I imagine no circumstance opposes so strong an objection to the regular military service of the state, both amongst the officers and privates, as the idea of being ordered to the West Indies. "Quæ nempe et nostro lethum miserabile fratri attulit. Hic misero frater adempte mihi." It was these considerations that induced me at the close of the list session of parliament (on the 10th of August) to hazard a suggestion, which if adopted, I fondly hoped, might in a great degree provide for our colonial demand for troops, both for defensive and offensive purposes, and consequently, add materially to the disposeable strength of our own country.

Fassumed that we held a dominion in the East, over a population of fifty millions of enlightened and obedient subjects; which population of itself, probably, was not inferior in number to the host, under the command of the government of France. I stated, however, that I did not pretend to aver that our fellow subjects in the East, were physically equal in energy or strength to the hardy sons of more northern regions, in which I would on no account, propose to bring them to combat t. That as they were ne

*E. G. Late occurrences in Trinidad. + I am as well aware as the author of the Inquiry into the State of the Nation can be of the difference between European and Indian troops, although I do not think the difference now prevails to the degree which it did, when the Roman Historian wrote, from whom he quotes, or that our Indian batta lions would disgrace themselves if brought vertheless capable of a very high degree of

military discipline, possessed great bravery, and had manifested a fidelity to our cause, in difficulties unexampled; and, as his Majesty possessed other dominions situated in climates similar to their own; I was of opi-nion, that in these, a large proportion of the force entertained, if raised for the express purpose; and under due precautions, might be advantageously drawn from our posses sions in the East. That this part of the force would be found the best adapted to the service. That it would prove alike capable of resisting the vertical sun of the day, as the pernicious damp of the night. That by becoming a counterpoise to the Negro popula tion, it would afford security to the planters against their insurrections; and scour the mountains and woods when they might retire to them. That were these troops en couraged to take their families with them to the islands, aided also by other means, that might be adopted, of peopling them in part from the East, in process of time they would produce a race of orderly and industrious freemen, both to cultivate and defend them; and, in the end, do away the necessity of having recourse to the odious and atrocious practice of the slave trade. Finally, that it would materially economise the valuable lives of our own countrymen. The following are a few of the particular propositions that immediately suggest themselves; others, no doubt would be required for bringing the plan to maturity and perfection. 1. That the troops destined for the West-Indies might be best qualified to resist the effects of the climate, they should be levied from the maritime or most southern parts of Bengal, especially Chittagong, Orissa, the Coasts of Coromandel and Malabar; the air and cli mate of which places, I am persuaded would be found to correspond with the West-Indies. The natives of the upper and dry regions of Hindostan, would prove as little able to resist their effects, as Europeans.-I. That the several corps should be composed of young able bodied men, as many of whom as could be induced to do so, should be encouraged to take their families with them.— III. That they should be enlisted for a term of years (probably not less than seven) with the certain assurance of being furnished with the means of returning to their own conntry, when their time of service had expired, by the vessels which might bring recruits for their several corps. (To be continued)

in contact with the troops of Naples, or with some others of Italy. Vide page 88, in the

note.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagh w, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold alse by J. Bute, Crown and Mitre, Pail-Mall

VOL. IX. No. 19.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 10, 1806.

[PRICE 10D.

"To all these points we beg the best attention of your honourable House. We beseech you to pursue with "effect what you began with so much honour. We entreat you not to relax in your efforts till you "have brought VISCOUNT MELVILLE to condigu punishment, and given to all, who shall be found to have "committed similar crimes, a signal demonstration, that, in the representatives of the people, instead of abet"tors of their iniquities, they will find only the faithful guardians of the nation, and the zealous vindicators of the laws."-PETITION OF THE ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER, Seconded by MR. Fox, and presented to the House of Commons by him, on the 3d of May, 1805.

673]

TO THE

ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER.

LETTER I.

GENTLEMEN,-A year and some few days have now passed, since we (for I was one amongst you) met in Palace-Yard, upon the subject of the proceedings then going forward, in the House of Commons, against Lord Viscount Melville. I need not recal to your minds the marks of approbation, with which, on that day, we received the speech of MR. Fox; and, more especially that part of it, where he expressed his suspicions as to the sincerity of the ministers, who had just then proposed to establish a board of Commissioners for the purpose of inquiring into the abuses in the MILITARY Department. Consonant, in principle, with this speech of Mr. Fox, was the Petition, which we resolved upon, which we signed, which we authorised him to present to the House of Commons, which he did so present in less than two hours after we had signed it, and the closing words of which I have taken as a motto to this letter, being the first of a series, which it is my inten tion to address to you, upon matters connected with the receipt and the disbursement of the public money, a liberty which I am sure you will excuse, when you consider that a just application of the heavy taxes that we pay, is absolutely necessary to the preservation of whatever we now have, whether of property or of liberty, and also to the preservation of the monarchy itself..

The Commission above-mentioned; that is to say, the Commission of MILITARY INQUIRY was, soon afterwards, formed and established by act of parliament, being the act 45 Geo. III. chap. 47. Mr. Pitt the then minister, nominated the members of this board, which has proceeded in its functions, and its First Report has been upon the table of the House of Commons nearly two months, it having been laid there on the 20th of March last, and having been ordered to be printed on the 21st of March.

[674

The whole of this Report, together with the Appendix, are comprised in 113 pages of loose print; and, this is a quantity of printing, which, at any one of the great printing offices in London, can be brought forth in the space of twenty-four hours.

The important facts brought to light by this Report it shall next be my endeavour to state to you'; but, first of all, it will be proper that we retrace, and fix in our minds, what has happened as to changes in the offices of government; because, we shall find occasion, as we go along, to take these changes into view, in connection with the proceedings relative to the public money. Mr. Pitt died in January last, whereupon a change in the ministry took place; and, to our common satisfaction, this change introduced into the king's, councils, Mr. Fox, Mr. WINDHAM, Mr. GREY (now Lord Howick) and LORD HENRY PETTY, all of whom had eminently distinguished them selves in those laudable efforts, of which we so highly approved and with so much grati tude acknowledged, in the case of Lord Viscount Melville. But, Gentlemen, in the expression of these, our approbation and gratitude, by what feeling were we animated? By that of personal hostility? By hatred of the person of Lord Viscount Melville? By an envious desire to come at his places and his emoluments? No: but by a love of public justice; justice upon the principles of the ancient and righteous laws of England, which respect not persons, but the vengeance of which falls with equal weight upon the high and upon the low, and which, in admitting, out of reverence to the person of the King, that he can do no wrong, fall, with undiminished weight, upon the person of those councillors, who may advise wrong, under the royal authority, to be done,

Acting, ourselves, from an impulse so disinterested and so perfectly consonant with the principles of impartial justice, we, in hailing the above-mentioned change in the councils of His Majesty, hailed the day

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