"milies, and he hoped that some abate"ments would be allowed on their account. "MR. PERCEVAL supported the bill, "6 on the ground that it was impossible that an equal sum of money could be raised so equally, upon the whole, on property of every description. The money must be "raised, and this was, in fact, the best plan "that could be devised. It was a tax on profits, and 30 the title, implied. He hoped, however, that exemptions would "be allowed in many cases, otherwise the measure might become so odious, that we might be in danger of losing it altogether. 66 66 66 -MR. WILBERFORCE agreed with his "hon. friend who spoke last, and hoped that exemptions would be allowed in all cases "where the necessaries of life were con"cerned. It would be hard if, when one part of a ship's crew were enjoying every sort of luxury, the other should be put upon short allowance. He stated the cases of the officers of the army and navy "under a certain income; but what had been done for the latter, and was to be "done for the former, might preclude the necessity of any exemption for them. "But the case of clergymen under a certain "income must be considered. He knew "large supplies must be raised, and if the tax should fail in any degree on account " of abatements to persons of a small income, he would be willing that it should "be made up by an additional rate on the higher classes.Lord HENRY PETTY "said, that the opposition which had been "that night expressed to the bill, it was not necessary then to answer. He did not mean to say that the measure was the most equal, or the most perfect, that it was possible for human ingenuity to devise; " and perhaps a tax on capital, or a variation "of the tax, as applied to the different spe"cies of property, would be preferable; "but, under the present circumstances of the country, it would be wrong to relinquish 66 a tried system, for the sake of embarking "into a new and complicated arrangement, "The principle of exemption, he was con"vinced, was one by which the individual gained least, and the public lost most; and, in proportion as the operation of an act was simplified by great and general rules, its produce was secured. It would "become his duty, however painful, to oppose all exemptions proposed; and when "gentlemen were told that by acceding, as " he had, to the representation lately made, "tions, which struck at the root of the tax." Thus, then, necessity, hard necessity; an absolute necessity; a want of money; a want of money, and nothing else, is urged in support of this tax, which, Gentlemen, I need not characterize, my only object being to remind you, that, it is in this state of our affairs, that one individual holds in his hands 97,4151. of our money, which he owes the public, and which the Commissioners expressly declare that he ought to be made to pay immediately into the Treasury!-The same all-powerful argument, Gentlemen, is urged in support of the tax upon PIG-IRON. This tax was attempted to be laid by Mr. Pitt, but was by him abandoned. This iron; the produce of our own mines and the raw material of a most extensive branch of our manufactures, is worth, upon an average, 5 pounds a ton; and the proposed tax is 2 pounds a ton! It will create about 120 new excisemen to watch the furnaces, besides those that will be necessary to watch over the packing of iron and steel goods for exportation, in order to ascertain the amount of the draw-back. The persons employed in the trades and callings connected with this proposition, alledge, that these trades will be ruined; and, every man must be satisfied, that they will be greatly injured by the vexations of an excise system thus extended to a staple produce of the earth. The persons employed in this branch of our manufactures are computed to be 500,000 in number; and, the manufacture itself is, in point of national importance, second to none but that of Wool, Yet, while our ministers are imposing a tax like this, which, even upon their own estimates, will produce only 419,000!. a year clear money, and which will put 20,000l. a year into the pockets of excisemen, who, by the same operation, will be withdrawn from the labours of the workshop or the field; while this is the case, the sum of 97,4151. of the public money is lying in the hands of DELANCY,, or of others, to whom he has committed it. Lord Wellesley's affair to the Court of King's Bench, the suggestion was decidedly disapproved of by several members, particularly by Dr. Laurence, Mr. Francis, and the Marquis of Douglas, which nobleman afterwards moved for the production of several papers relative to the conduct of Lord Wellesley, amongst which was the famous instructions for regulating the PRESS in India! The debate was of great importance indeed; the House appeared decidedly for the mode of impeachment. A full account of the debate shall be given in my next. In the meanwhile I beg leave to refer the reader to a letter upon India Affairs, in a subsequent page of this sheet; but, I cannot help saying that I differ from the writer as to what he has said respecting MR. FRANCIS; and, though I have inserted his letter, I think it proper to apprize him, that any future communication, marked by insinuations such as - are contained in the first part of his present letter, will certainly be rejected. I would further apprize him, that, when facts or arguments are valuable, they stand in need of no name to induce me to insert them; and that my fixed opinion, is, that, in assuming the language of a monitor, a correspondent should take care to discover information, or talents, more than ordinary.Every argument that I have heard in favour of the SLAVE-TRADE BILL is, in my opinion completely answered in a letter which immediately follows below. It is to be hoped, that those who have this bill in their hands will pause and reflect. My correspondents may be assured, that I pay attention to all their communications, and that, as fast as room and suitable occasions present themselves, I will not fail to use the best of my exertions to prevent their labour from being lost. It is not my custom to make notifications of this sort; but, the many valuable letters which are at present in my possession render this notifica tion necessary. In the preceding sheet, amongst many other ERRORS OF THE PRESS, the following are pointed out as causing the expression of a meaning precisely the contrary of that which was intended to be conveyed. In page 648, line 19 from the bottom, the "too" should have been left out. In page 650, line 10 from the top, the "not" should be left out; for, God forbid that I should say, that ministers of the Church can be too much encouraged to reside in their parishes; or, that pluralities are not the cause of non-residence! SLAVE TRADE BILE. SIR -It appears to be highly necessary to place in a just point of view, a measure now depending in parliament, for abolishing forever the foreign slave trade. The zealots for a total abolition, will derive great gratification at finding that the plan in question has succeeded; they will consider that they are in the high road towards the attainment of their ultimate object, they will observe, that the ground on which their opponents formerly stood, has been much undermined, and their expectations will lead them to think that the same legislature, which has sanctioned a partial abolition, may be prevailed on without much difficulty to advance one step further, and by so doing to complete the work so auspiciously commenced according to their notions. If an encroachment be once suffered, it will be an arduous undertaking to prevent a repetition of it; and, when the business of abolition shall again become a subject of discussion, which will happen at no very distant day, the legis lature will be gravely told, true it is you have done a great deal towards the accomplishment of a total abolition, but there is a little still left undone, and that little unperformed deprives you of the merit of proclaiming that you have purified yourselves, from what the abolitionists call, the contamination of the Stave Trade.It should be remembered, that it is an old artifice often employed to endeavour to weaken the force of united opponents, by sowing dissention among them; and by pointing out, to different individuals of the common body, that their private interests will be promoted by seceding from the union. To separate and divide the general body connected with the British West India Islands, is the ardent pursuit at present of the abolitionists, and disunion once established, they are confident that the scattered and divided ranks can afford no substantial resistance to their future attacks. It is anxiously desired by them to create a diversity of opinions among the West India interest, and they rely that, standing on the vantage ground gained by prevailing on the legislature to adopt the bill now under conside ration, they will have no reason to dread hereafter the exertions of an enfeebled op position, when it shall be thought discreet and adviseable for them by and by to apply to parliament for a total abolition -It can be shewn that the bill now depending, will ultimately produce a total abolition. The African merchants have uniformly advanced, and offered to prove, that if the slave trade should be confined solely to the supply of our own colonies, such a restricted and narrowed commerce would not be worth pursuing. They have urged that this trade requires the united encouragement, derived both from the foreign market, and from the supply of the British colonies; and that, if a great proportion of the encouragement hitherto open to them, should be taken away, they will withdraw their capitals intirely from this business. But, supposing even that British merchants should be induced not to retire immediately from the trade, after the foreign markets shall have been closed against them, it is plain that a few experiments would soon drive them from it. If Jamaica should be chosen as the scene of their commercial adventures, they would shortly find, that their dealings would be altogether regulated and controuled by the will and pleasure of the purchasers, who knowing that no foreign competition could be raised against them, and that their markets afforded the only place of sale, would be enabled to prescribe their own terms to the sellers. If the British colonies should, however, be hereafter supplied with African labourers, they must in such event be contented to pay a very advanced price for them; for the African merchants convinced that no speculation could be carried on without placing them too much in the power of the purchasers; would require that their profits should be ascertained to them **** by contracts executed in Great Britain. nifested the extreme anxiety of foreigners to The effect of this will be to render the sup-neficial trade will be lost by prohibiting one ply at best very precarious, to advance the price considerably to all, and to render it impracticable for the majority of settlers to obtain any labourers, on account of the very exorbitant prices demanded for them.-Some of the supporters of this bill assert, that their plan will confer a benefit on the old sugar colonies, by repressing the cultivation of foreign colonies, who are their rivals: because, they alledge that whilst Britain continues to carry on the foreign slave trade, the improvement of those colonies is promoted by their being abundantly supplied with slaves by British traders, and that such supply will cease when it shall be unlawful for British subjects to be concerned in the foreign slave trade. It is also proclaimed in loud language, which declares open hostility against all sound argument, that it is necessary to interpose this measure, with a view to check the growth of the maritime strength of our rivals, which is increased by augmenting the prosperity of their colonies. Let a little calm reflection be employed, and then let us mark the result. Experience has ma of its principal articles, and by the operation of certain vexatious regulations, which shall be afterwards adverted to. This intercourse enables Great Britain to find a vent for considerable quantities of British manufactures, which the Spaniards are desirous of buying at the free ports, provided they can at the same time purchase a proportion of slaves; and it is well known, that vessels whose cargocs consist principally of British goods, are permitted to enter at Spanish ports, only when it is ascertained that they have also on board Negroes for importation. They constitute the sanction, under which our goods find their way from the free ports to many parts of the Spanish territories in America. In return, indigo, cotton wool, dye woods of various descriptions, hides, tallow, and bullion are obtained. This intercourse furnishes the British colonies with their chief sup-ply of specie, which is afterwards either remitted in considerable quantities to this country, or is expended in contributing to enable the planters to pay for provisions and lumber from America. Without the free port system, some of those islands would be destitute of specie.-It may be proper here to observe, that independent of the free port trade, Great Britain enjoys great commercial advantages from a trade carried on through other channels, which would altogether cease, by precluding her subjects from being concerned in the foreign slave trade. If the government of this country are prepared to give up a commerce, which affords considerable employment to great numbers of her artizans and manufacturers, and which pours riches into her lap, without providing a substitute for the loss; and, especially at a time, when unusual clouds hang over the commercial horizon from recent events, and when the empire is bleeding at every pore from the pressure of immense taxation. It is the evident object of the bill, through all its various provisions to subject the African trader to multiplied penalties and dangers, if he shall be hardy enough to pursue the trade for the sake of supplying our own colonies, and to fetter it by such formidable impediments, as will deter almost every one from embarking in it.-The spirit of the bill, though attempted to be disguised, is at war with the whole of the trade, and seeks to do that covertly, which the abolitionists have failed to accomplish openly. In substance the effect is the same, whether the trade is totally and at once abolished, or whether the remaining branch of it is so weighed down by such oppressve regulations as warn a prudent man to retire from it. There are other objections of a very serious nature, which may be offered against other parts of the bill. It contains a clause, which provides that no slaves shall be removed from one British colony or island to another, until a licence shall be obtained by the owner of them permitting him to remove them, and specifying the place of their destination; that previous to their removal such owner shall give a bond in a penal sum, equal to the sum of fifty pounds sterling, for every slave so to be carried, and that the condition of the said bond shall be, that the proprietor shall faithfully and truly land or deliver such slaves at the place to which he shall be authorised to convey the same. It may with great propriety be contended by the colonial legislatures, that this provision contains matter of internal regulation, which is sought to be carried into effect by an act of the British parliament, that it tends to subvert the constitutional rights of the colonies, who have always claimed the exclusive power of legislating for themselves in all questions which involve considerations of do mestic economy. It has been understood by the colonists that their legislatures alone are entitled to impose rules for the government of property situated in those countries, but the bill attempts to restrict the use of such property, by proposing to enact that the proprietors of slaves in the West India colonies shall not be allowed to dispose of their Negroes, with the same degree of ownership a they have hitherto enjoyed; and it even does more, as it endeavours to impose pains and penalties, which are to be enforced there in case the intended law shall be transgressed, To declare to the inhabitants of our West India possessions that parliament has esta blished particular conditions, which must be complied with by them before they can exercise the right of removing a part of their property, even from one British settlement to another, is surely an infringement of the colonial constitutions. All this is done with out the consent of the legislatures of the colonies, who in all other concerns of internal management, are acknowledged to possess supreme power. The right of enigration is materially effected by the measure in ques tion, and in proportion as the use of property is restricted, its value is certainly dimi nished. It is worthy of consideration, whe ther it be prudent or wise at any time, and more especially at this juncture, without any real cause or adequate motive, to originate discussions, which my embrace points of the most serious controversy. It is provided by another clause of the bill, that if any slave shall be employed on a voyage from a British colony or island, to a foreign settlement, their names and descriptions should be inserted in or endorsed upon the clearance or permit to depart of such vessel, and if any slave shall be found on board, whose name shall not be inserted in or endorsed upon the clearance or permit, or, who shall be untruly or fraudulently described therein, with intent to violate any of the prohibitions, or regulations of the act, every such slave may be seized and confiscated. The bill also gives a right of seizure to his Majesty's vessels of war. Those who are conversant with the nature of the foreign trade carried on in the West Indies, are aware that British vessels when thus employed, are in general navigated by slaves. And it is apparent, that this provision of the bill will afford ample scope for making numerous seizures, and thereby frequently defeating the purposes of the merchants who are engaged in that branch of commerce. Such a restriction bill ultimately annihilates all intercourse between the British West India islands, and foreign settlements; and it is also highly objectionable, as containing matter of internal regulation.-W. W.-7th May, 1806. INDIA AFFAIRS. SIR, I have read with attention and satisfaction, your several publications which contain your opinions and observations on the Affairs of India; and am truly concerned to find, by your last Register, that you are about to take your leave of the subject, until certain documents shall be laid before parliament, in support of a charge recently preferred against the Marquis Wellesley. That you will return to the charge, I confidently hope; that Mr. Paul will pursue his present inquiry, as soon as he is enabled to proceed, I wish and expect; but, I have been so much disappointed in my hopes, wishes, and expectations, that I shall scarcely be surprised, if Mr. Paull should follow the example of Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, and others; or, if you and your Register shall change your politics, like Mr. Spankey and his Chronicle.--It is true that the Affairs of India have at length forced themselves into notice, and have agitated the public mind; they have occupied the attention of parliament; awakened the dormant faculties of the East India Directors, and roused the latent energies of many of the proprietors; but whether these effects are to be ascribed to the real importance of the subject, to a conviction of the injustice of the system recently pursued in India; to a sympathy with the sufferings of deposed princes and imprisoned chieftains; to a feeling for the ravages of war and the desolation of provinces; or, to the situation of the company, described by Mr. Thornton in parliament; or, whether a demand of money from this burthened country, to prop the tottering empire in India, has caused the present sensation, concerning our Eastern governments, is, as you say, immaterial.-If the public and its representatives in parliament, will but investigate soberly and impartially, the transactions which have happened in. India, during the administration of Lord Wellesley, I care not whether the inquiry be occasioned by Mr. Paull's assertions of his lordships guilt, or by Lord Temple's bold declarations of the justice and policy of the measures in question. -As it is yet likely, that Lord Wellesley's conduct will be submitted to the grand national inquest, I will not anticipate, from an examination of the papers before parliament, the probability of his inculpation. But, after what has been said by his friends and relations in both houses of the legislature, in justification of his measures in India; after they have invited, and even challenged an examination of his administration; I hope, for the sake of decency,, that no means will be used, similar to those we have lately witnessed, to smother inquiry, or defeat investigation. I mean not to compliment you, Mr. Cobbett, in stating, that next to Mr. Paull, the public is indebted to yourself, for the pains you have lately bestowed on Indian subjects. And, I am persuaded, that if you will continue your observations, and direct your thoughts to objects connected with the administration of our Eastern Empire, not immediately in discussion, your future communications, will instruct and gratify your readers; and, I trust, that the present suspension of Indian inquiry in parliament, will not abstract your attention from a subject of so much interest and importance.-You will be pleased to recollect, that there has hitherto prevailed, in the minds of persons in and out of parliament, a repugnance against every subject connected with India, its finances, or its politics. In the House of Commons, it has been declared, that India and every question relating to it, were irksome to parliament; the attention of which has diminished in proportion as our empire has increased; and Lord Castlereagh or Mr. Francis, could never obtain an audience of more than twenty members, when the Indian Budgets were discussed! With respect to the public, the transactions of our Eastern governments, could not become the subjects of populer observation, except as related to wars, battles, victories, and repulses; the building of palaces, or endowing of colleges; and for this plain reason, Mr. Cobbett, that until the Indian correspondence and papers were laid before Parliament, the public in India as well as in England, was ignorant of every information, but of the naked events which happened. The want of intelligence abroad is imputable to the state of the press in India, which you have correctly described, and to the despotism of the government, which threatened with immediate banishment from the country, any person who dared to discuss the measures or politics of Lord Wellesley; and, it is an undoubted fact, that of the number who subscribed the fulsome addresses to his lordship on the conclusion of peace with the Mahratta chieftains, there were not ten persons who had ever heard of the causes of the war !You will not, I hope, be offended, at any seeming mistrust which this letter may betray of Mr. Paull or of yourself. If Mr. Paull shall cooly and advisedly persevere in his system of inquiry; and if you shall continue staunch in the opinions which you have promulgated; the |