VOL. IX. No. 20.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 17, 1806. [PRICE JOD. "The noble lord calls upon the constitutional guardians of the people to commit into the "hands of others a trust so unspeakably important, and to become mere spectators of an "inquiry, which is to decide on the fate of their country. The noble lord says, that the "powers of the Commissioners of Accounts will, in no wise, lessen the powers of Parliament; for that the former are merely to inquire, examine, and report, and that it is "reserved for Parliament to judge, to determine, and to act; that the final deliberation is "reserved to them, and that they have the power to reject such measures proposed by the "Commissioners, as they may deem inconsistent with the public welfare. How humiliating, how miserable a picture of parliamentary power is this! So, then, all the power of parliament, with respect to the alleviation of national burdens, the redress "of grievances, the reform of expense, the economy, the system, tie elucidation of "office, is sunk into a disgraceful negative! One positive power indeed, an odious power, "remains, the power of taxing the people whenever the noble lord thinks proper. The power of making them pay for the noble lord's lavish corruption. If any plan be formed "and suggested, by which thousands may be saved, by which the expenditure may be simplified, the influence of the Crown diminished, and the responsibility of ministers be more clearly established; by which the engine of government may be relieved from that "load of machinery, which renders its movements so slow, so intricate, and so confused; "then the House of Commons possesses only the power of putting a negative upon every "such proposition! The power of oppressing and burdening the people is, therefore, the only power that remains positive and active, while the power of doing good, and of "relieving the distresses of the subject, is merely negative."MR. PITT'S Speech upon the Bill for appointing Commissioners of Accounts, May 31st. 1781. 705] SUMMARY OF POLITICS. COMMISSIONERS OF ACCOUNTS.-Lord Henry Petty, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, has, in the House of Commons, given notice of his intention to bring forward a bill for the appointing and establishing of a Commission of Accounts, to consist, it is said, of fifteen members, five of whom are to receive 1,5001. a year each, the other ten 10001. a year each, with a president, or chairman, who is to receive 2 or 3 thousand pounds a year! Upon hearing of this proposition, it was impossible for me not to turn back to the epoch when Commissioners of Accounts were first appointed, when this at once absurd and mischievous innovation was first introduced, when it was first thought of to create, by the consent of the House of Commons, a body virtually to supersede the most important functions of the House of Commons itself, and, by the same act to add, in a most alarming degree, to the influence of the Crown, that is to say, of every succeeding ministry, be they who they may.In selecting my motto from a speech of the yet uncorrupted Mr. Pitt, I do not mean to apply to Lord Henry Petty the personal reflections therein contained; but, the doctrine of this admirable speech has my hearty assent, and, as to the measure, the observations of the speaker are now full as applicable as they X [7.06 were then; for, though, it is said, that the members of the now-proposed Commission are to be taken from amongst the member of the House of Commons, it will require much to convince me, that, in that alteration, there is any improvement. The Com missioners will, indeed, be still members of the House; but, in their official capacity, they will be as completely cut off from it as the Commissioners of the Navy, or any other officers now are; while, on the other hand, who does not perceive, who, unless he be stone blind, does not perceive, the influence which the ministry of the day must acquire in consequence of having the creation of sixteen such officers as those who will compose the above Commission?« No;" says some place-hunter or pensioner actual or reversionary; "No;. for the House of "Commons, and not the ministry, will have "the appointment of these Commissiotiers; "who, in order to render them completely "independent, are to be appointed for life. Bat, my honest friend, do you really think, then, that the ministry will not have the appointment of these men? Does it really require a sight of the list of names to convince you, that those who shall be nominated by the ministry, and no others, will fill this. Commission? If it does, why then, you are too great a fool even to make your mark at the bottom of a receipt for your annual sinecure, when you get it. And, as to the appointment for life rendering a man independent, have you ever seen an instance of it? In this case, is there not, on the contrary, a chain, of dependence as complete as in the Army, or the Barrack-Office, or any other department, where there are degrees of promotion? To say nothing, therefore, of the operation of gratitude towards the ministry of the day, who, in fact, will appoint in the first instance, and who will fill up the vacan cies as they occur, will there not be a sufficiency of dependence secured by the power of promotion created by the constitution of the Commission itself.- -But, what is the use of such a Commission? To what end are we to be burdened with a new expence of `50,000l. a year; for to so much, at the very least, will the expence of this establishment amount at the outset, to say nothing of the pensions and the other allowances that will grow out of it? To what end is this new burden to be laid upon us?" What end! Why, to examine into the accounts of "those persons, through whose hands the public money passes; to correct errors, to "detect frauds; and, by these means, to 66 produce great savings to the nation." And, my good and right trusty and well-beloved gentleman, what need have we of an expensive Board of Commissioners for these purposes, while we have 658 members of the House of Commons, whose duty, whose bounden duty, whose peculiar duty, whose first, whose greatest, and almost whose sole duty, it is, to watch, in all possible ways, over the expenditure of the money raised upon their constituents?" It is," said the yet uncorrupted Mr. Pitt, in the speech quoted in my motto, "It is the peculiar duty of this "House to watch, to examine, and correct "the expenditure of the public money. I conceive the proposed delegation to be an "absolute surrender of the most valuable " delegate this right, then, I consider as a "violation of what, above all other privi 66 leges, they cannot surrender, or delegate, "without a daring breach of the constitu"tion." Who is there, out of the regions of Whitehall, who does not agree in these sentiments?- -As something that would render the proposition less derogatory to the House of Commons, Colonel Barré had moved that the Commissioners should be members of the House; but, in this case, Mr. Pitt protested against all ballot lists sent round by the ministry, and he therein, by anticipation, exposed the futility of the pretext, that such Commissioners "would be appointed by the "House of Commons, and not by the minis 66 try;" which was, indeed, a pretext too barefaced to merit one nroment's attention; for, who did not clearly perceive, that, in such case, Lord North would have filled up the Commission with the names of men, whom he was desirous either to reward, to bring over, or to silence; and that, from whatever quarter of the House the members might be taken, there would be suffered to come into the whole of the Commission only just so much of public-spirit and integrity as the ministry of that day would be able to neutralize and to render worse than noneffectual to any good purpose, because it would furnish the means of giving sanction to measures intended to further the purposes of corruption-If the present intended measure should be adopted (which God for bid!) how will the House of Commons, "the Commons' House of Parliament," stand in the eyes of that people, who have chosen them as their representatives, unless, indeed, this notion of representation be, at once, given up as something chimerical? There are great errors and abuses in the expenditure of the public money. The existence of this evil is acknowledged; and the magnitude of it is, indeed, the only ground upon which the ministry can possibly come forward with a proposition, such as that of which we are now speaking. Well," say the people to their representatives, "we have "chosen 058 of you for the express purpose "of detecting and correcting these errors "and abuses." What is the answer which the people will receive in the adoption of the proposed measure? Why this; that, though 658 members, without being paid for the duty, are unable to perform it, yet, 15 of those same members, in consequence of receiving large salaries, are able to perform it! If this be a fair representation of the case, what must be the impression produced by this measure upon the minds of the people? Can it be such an one as we should have ex pected it would have been the object of the present ministers to produce? -Taking, too, a retrospect of the proceedings of former Commissioners of this sort, what ground is there, whereon for the most sanguine and the most credulous to believe, that another Commission would succeed in detecting and correcting the errors and abuses now so loudly and so justly complained of? These Commissioners, of one sort and another, and upon the back of one another, have, at an enormous expense to the public, existed now for six and twenty years; and, it is at the end of this long and squandering period; it is after the declaration of one of the Lords of the Admiralty, in open parliament made, that, if there were no abuses, one third part of the expenses of the Navy might be saved to the public; it is after we have seen that Melville and De Lancy and Trotter and Greenwood were going on quietly under the existence of such Commissions; it is after all this, that it is proposed to create another Commission of Accounts, at an expense to the public of 50,000 1. a year! I shall be reminded, perhaps, that, had it not been for Boards of Commissioners, the money transactions of the persons here mentioned would never have been brought to light. To which I answer, that the fault would, in that case, have rested solely with the members of the House of Commons, whose bounden duty it is, individually as well as collectively, to make a strict examination into the expenditure of the public money; and, I imagine, that no man will be bold enough to tell me, that the performance of any official duty, out of the House, or that any other cause whatever, sickness excepted, can be, with reason and justice, pleaded as an excuse for the nonperformance of this their first duty towards their constituents; whereunto I will just add the remark, that we have never yet heard of Commissioners appointed for the purpose of imposing taxes upon the people, every member being considered capable, and at leisure, to perform that part of his duty, without fee or reward!Besides, without supposing that the appointment of the Naval and the Military Commissions. of Inquiry originated in, or were quickened by, any thing like party views, or circumstances purely adventitious, I contend, that, in the exemplary conduct of MR. ROBSON, with regard to the non-payment of bills at the offices under the Treasurer of the Navy, we have quite a sufficient proof, that members of the House of Commons, in that capacity, in the only capacity they ought to be looked to in the House, and standing in their places in that House, are capable of doing every thing in the way of money-inquiry, more speedily, more effectually, and more to the satisfaction of the nation, than the same can be done by any Board of Commissioners whatever. MR. ROBSON became, no matter how, acquainted with the abused the truly scandalous and fraudulent abuse here referred to. He came into his place in the House, and there, like an honest repre sentative of the people, complained of it. The minister (Mr. Addington), flatly denied the fact. MR. ROBSON was charged with having uttered falsehoods injurious to the state. He was called upon to retract his words (which the minister took down); or, in case of refusal to retract, was threatened with the censure of the House. He refused to retract'; he produced his proof as far as his first allegation went; and his opponents became less confident. He came again with additional proof, poured in upon him by the defrauded holders of bills. "I move," said he, "for the Bill-book of the Sick and "Hurt Board; give me that, and I will prove to the House the exister.ce of abuses "enormous, and will point out the persons "who have been guilty of these abuses." The minister was astounded; declared that the abuse had not had his countenance; promised that the like should not happen again; but, he and his majority rejected the motion for producing the Bill-book, though he and that same majority had challenged MR. ROBSON, had dared him, over and over again, to the proof! Am I told, that the minister of the day will always act thus; that he will always, by means of his majority, thus quash inquiry, when moved for by an individual independent member of the House; and that, therefore, a Board of Commissioners is necessary? If I am, I ask for no better argument against such a Board, it being a part of the proposition, that the members of such Board shall be appointed by the voice of that very majority But, if such be now the means of detection in the. hands of every member of the House of Commons; if three public-spirited and persevering members would, even now, be able to bring to light every material abuse in the expenditure of the public money, how easy would the task be, if the mode of keeping and of stating the accounts, were at once full and simple? And the reason why it is not such is of itself a subject for parliamentary inquiry. A correspondent of mine, in a series of excellent letters (see Vol. VII. Index, p. 1000, and Vol. VIII. Index, p. 1033) has pointed out such a mode. Nothing would, if such a mode were adopted, be more easy than for any member of parliament to stand. He has a mind that must, if he se riously turn it to the subject, reject with contempt all the shallow notions that we have heard broached about causing the Bank to revive their payments in cash, and others of a similar character. He must perceive, that the taxing and funding system is daily and hourly approaching to a crisis. Can it, therefore, be necessary to conjure him to act constantly and sincerely upon his own maxim, so openly and so honourably de detect whatever frauds might be committed: it is worthy of, serious attention. But, even as the accounts are now kept and stated, such detection is by no means difficult; it requires no extraordinary talents; and, if it does demand a considerable degree of at tention and of labour, is not such attention and such labour the duty of every member of the Commons House of Parliament -Then, observe, that inquiries thus originating and conducted in this public and constitutional way, would soon be greatly facilitat-clared, of having no disguise, but of laying ed by the information pouring in from persons out of doors. The people, who had witnessed the abuses in the expenditure of their money, would fly to those of their representatives whom theysaw engaged in such inquiries, All the facts would come to light; the proof would be at hand; and, if there were, even as things now are, only three members (a number just sufficient to guard against the effects of absence occasionally) to resolve upon a reform of abuses in the expenditure of the public money, it would require neither party combinations nor the habit of making speeches to insure success to their endeavours. -By the institution of Boards of Commissioners, you render that secret, which ought to be made as public as possible; you shut the door against the people, in place of throwing it wide open to receive them and to hear their complaints; and, while you pass act upon act to create infor mers, while you give every possible encou ragement, while, by temptation upon temptation, you invite man to inform against man, friend against friend, and brother against brother, in matters connected with the raising of the public money, not one single encouragement (to say nothing of the contrary) do you hold forth to those who may be inclined to make disclosures with respect to the frauds committed in the expenditure of that money. From the present. ministry, or, at least, front a very large majority of them, I did hope, nay, I will still hope, notwithstanding all that I have, to my great mortification, been a witness of, far better things. In the integrity of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on whose proposed measure I have here been commenting, I have an unshaken confidence, and so, I be lieve, have the public; and, as he values his fair fame; as he values years (probably a long series) of untarnished reputation, of unsuspected sincerity, of the exercise of pow er unaccompanied with the execration of the people, I conjure him to avoid the steps of his predecessor in place. I conjure him. well to consider the situation, particularly as to pecuniary matters, in which we now bare to the public view every fact and every circumstance connected with the finances of the kingdom; to conjure him not to suffer himself to be made the instrument of any classes of persons who may be gorged, beyond the faculty of regorging and beyond the compass of forgiveness, with the public wealth; to conjure him not to be persuaded so to act as to induce the people to regard him as being, ex officio, on the side of every peculator, and thereby to excite and to fix immoveably in their minds a hatred of the whole of the governing powers of the state; to conjure him to shew, on the contrary, that he is the friend of inquiry, and that he views with approbation every effort, by whomsoever made, to bring peculators to punishment; to conjure him to place no reliance upon the power of party, there being, at this moment, no party, upon which any portion of the people do rely; to conjure him to look forward, not to the probable, but to the inevitable, events of the next six years, and so to husband his reputation (at whatever expence of place or emolument) as to retain the ability of serving, in those days of trial, his country and his king, and of being one amongst those, who are destined, I trust, to preserve the liberties of the former, together with all the dignities and all the constitutional authority of the latter. BARRACK OFFICE. (Continued from p. 673) As growing out of my own re marks upon this subject, at the page here referred to, I shall. in continuation, first insert a letter from a correspondent, whose ta lents I have once before profited from in the same way." Sir, although you do not acknowledge your expectations to have been disappointed by the silence of the present ministry, on the subject of the enormous balance appearing by the report of the Commissioners of Military Enquiry to be due from General De Lancey to the public, it is evident, that you are at a loss to account for that silence in a ministry, whose chief claim to public approbation (while in opposition at least), arose from their professed abhorrence of all public abuses, and their repeated of what appeared in the preceding sheet relative to the principal Agent of De Lancey, asks me : "Do you know, Mr. Cobbett, "that the " man of the name of GREEN 66 WOOD," is Agent to one hundred and seventy-four battalions of the line; to twenty-one battalions of militia; to the Royal Artillery; to the Royal Engineers; "to the Veterans'; and to the Waggon "Train; by which agency, on the very "lowest calculation, he clears, (or he and "others clear amongst them) SIXTY "THOUSAND POUNDS A YEAR; ex"clusive of the advantage derived from the enormous sums of money constantly in "his hands, and of all the purchase money "of Commissions, placed in his hands BY "AN EXPRESS ORDER OF THE "COMMANDER IN CHIEF? To say promises to bring to condign punishment all public delinquents.But, Sir, after the new doctrines which, to the great mortification of all honest men, Mr. Fox bas avowed and maintained upon topics of this nature, I, for one, feel no surprize whatever that General De Lancey, or any other public defaulter, should escape animadversion. It appears perfectly consistent with those new doctrines, and a very happy illustration of the effects which such doctrines are calculated to produce. Why should General De Lancey be punished for making an unauthorized use of the public money, or even compelled to make good a deficit in his accounts? "When a bad system has pre"vailed, the best mode of remedying it is "not by impeaching an individual, but by removing the person who carried on such "6 a system, and to take care that none such "shall be acted upon in future." (Mr. Fox, 18th April, rsò6.)Well! General De Lancey is no longer Barrack Master General. Is not that enough for the public? Why should it be expected of our indulgent ministry that they should vindictively pursue him into his retirement from office, now that the old notion is exploded, that the punishment of offences prevents the repetition of offences? Besides the barbarity of such useless persecution, motives of delicacy may be well supposed to have influenced and restrained ministers from such a proceeding. "In some cases, charges against individuals may be brought forward rather with a "view to popularity, than from any very " ardent desire to promote the ends of jus"tice." (Mr. Fox.)--Better, much better, therefore, to suffer a public delinquent to escape, and the ends of justice to be defeated, than to incur the suspicion of being actuated in the performance of an obvious duty by a wish to court popularity, especially when popularity, by the attainment of power, has ceased to be an object of primary consideration."- While I confess, that the extraordinary doctrine of Mr. Fox, would naturally go to this extent, and still further, I must say, that I confidently hope, that neither Mr. Fox nor a majority of his colleagues, ever really intended so far to act upon it; and, it is with great satisfaction, that I hear, that DE LANCEY has received a positive order to pay the 97,4151. into the Treasury forthwith, whence I am induced to hope, that some sufficent proof of his having actually so paid the money will very soon be laid before parliament; for, until this be done, neither the parliament nor the public can know, that the order has produced any effect.1 correspondent, in consequence no more, Mr. Cobbett, had you known "the importance, and the respectable con"nections of the personage you were speak"ing of, I can liardly think you would "have spoken in the manner you did." And, why not, my good Sir? What need I care who are his connections? As to the circumstance of his being agent to so many regiments and corps, for that I care nothing either. I envy him not his money; and I am sure I am not so unfortunate as to be acquainted with that human being who would envy him his connections. I found the man by accident in the papers of the House of Commons; through those papers I have, it is true, brought him before the public; but his connections will, I dare say, have, at any rate, sense enough to teach him how to make, some how or other, a pretty speedy RETREAT-To return again, for a moment, to the subject of the Military, Inquiry, it is stated, in the newspapers, that, on Thursday, the 8th instant, LORD HENRY PETTY gave, in the House of Commons, a notice to the following effect : "Gentlemen must be aware, that there had "been for some days on the table a most important Report of the Commissioners "of Military Inquiry. The facts contained "in that Report made it necessary that measures should be taken, without one "day's delay, to apply a remedy to the "abuses which they proved. But as they "were under the consideration of His Ma jesty's government, and so far advanced as "to render it likely that it would be pro "duced before the close of the present "ses"sion, one general measure for bringing up "the arrears of the Public Accountants, it 66 was conceived that the subject the Report on the table applied to, would be most "properly included in that general measure. |