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to the East-India sales; to David Scott and Company, to the House of Porcher and Company, his agents in England (and members of the House of Commons) or to Mr. Alexander, the Chairman of Ways and Means, whose brother is Mr. Paull's agent in India. Mr. Paul is a real merchant. He is no jobber, no speculator, no grinding broker; no "muck-worm;" no "blood"sucker;" and has made no dirty attempts to creep into a Baronetcy by being the mercantile cat's-paw of a minister. What base wretches must those be, who, having failed in all their endeavours to brow-beat him from his laudable pursuit, have betaken themselves to low calumnies, and have not had the courage to utter even them, but in a whisper, not a soul of them daring to utter them to his face. I have now had time to read the India Papers; and, I take upon me to assure my readers, that whilst some of those, who have now deserted Mr Paull in the cause of justice; nay, who have made a merit of deserting him, or rather, of having endeavoured to dissuade him from pursuing the path of rectitude and of honor; who make a merit of having endeavoured to prevail upon him not to go into parliament; yes, I assure my readers, that whilst some of these men were practising (and that, too, in open defiance of solemn engagements) the greedy arts of usury at Lucknow, Mr. Paul was engaged in those honest and honourable pursuits, which have gained him more respect and esteem than belongs to almost any other private individual that ever was in India, and which, at the same time that they give him a fair title to a seat in the legislature of the kingdom, peculiarly qualify him for discharging its duties in a manner beneficial to his country. They may not, indeed, qualify him to get into place But, that is a sort of qualification of which we stand in no need. There are plenty of volunteer placemen. What we want is,

men who have great property to protect, who have courage to protect it, and with it the property of their countrymen in general. Such are the men that we want, and such a man is Mr. Paull. Young and zealous besides; unexposed to any of the selfish motives that deceive men into a desertion of their duty; far above the reach of the political corruptions of the times; having chosen for the work of his life an endeavour to assist in the restoration of his country, he is a man, on whom the public may safely rely. Much of this I know, and all the rest of it I sincerely believe of Mr. Paull; and I have stated it, because I know he has been calumniated, and because I consider his reputa

tion as highly valuable to all the honest and honourable part of the country.—To such a person, though I do not presume to blame Mr. Bankes; yet, to such a person, I must say, that it became not Mr. Banks either to dictate or to suggest a mode of conducting a great parliamentary investigation; and, I am pretty sure that the public will now agree with me in commending Mr. Paull for rejecting the suggestion.On Thursday the 15th instant, there took place, in the House of Commons, a short conversation upon matters connected with the inquiry with regard to Lord Wellesley, which conversation is thus stated in the British-Press news-pa"Mr. Paull said, that seeing a Noble "Lord (Morpeth) and some of the Directors in the House, he wished to observe, "that on the 11th April, he moved far some papers relative to the transactions of Bhurtpore, which not being returned pursuant to order, he obtained a peremptory order for them on the 16th "of April, but they had not been yet pro"duced. Before he proceeded to make any further motion he wished to know "whether there were any difficulty in

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the way of their production?

"MR. CREEVEY replied, that the Board of "Controul never had these papers in their

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possession, and therefore could not pro"duce them. Some of them had been de"tained for the use of the Consultation "Council of Bengal, and had not been yet "received. The honourable gentleman, he "thought, had little reason to complain, as "he had moved for 98 papers in the present session, and no one of them was re"fused him. In consequence of some former complaints of the same kind, he wrote "to Mr. Ramsay, Secretary to the India "House, to inquire, and received for answer, that some of them had been detained by the Bengal Consultation, and that the clerks were already busily employed in "making out the Surat papers, moved for by the hon. gentleman, consisting of no "less than 2000 close folio pages. If these

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papers were not necessary, they had a mischievous effect, as they interfered with "the making up of the official documents. "There were two India budgets in arrear, "and now in preparation, the papers con "nected with which would afford a much "better knowledge of the affairs of India, "than all the minute details moved for by "the honourable gentleman.MR. PAUL

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replied, that he was entitled to these papers to enable him to substantiate against "the Marquis Wellesley, as important charges as ever were brought forward in

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that House. He thought there was great delay in the production of all these papers,

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MR. CREEVEY denied that there was any delay which was not unavoidableMR, FRANCIS thought, that "when a member moved for any papers, he was himself the best judge of their effect, and therefore was not obliged to take the advice of those who may be adverse to his "views. He had seen a paper signed by twenty-three Directors, who, amongst "other things, complained that the Marquis Wellesley did not register his papers regularly in the consultation. If any of "the papers were lost, that was no excuse "for not returning as many as they had of

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them."-This speaks, for itself. But, who is this MR. CREEVEY? Oh! I remember now! It is the Mr. Creevey, who brought forward the affair of Mr. Fordyce. It is the same Mr. Creevey, who, if I am not greatly mistaken, did stand pledged to revive the question of the Athol Claim. Yes it is; it is the very same Mr. Creevey, who so laudably moved, last year, for papers, from the Board of Controul, respecting certain abuses" in Ceylon, and who is now himself (mark the fact) Secretary to that same Board of Controul, and who now says not one single. word respecting the abuses in Ceylon!

Mr. Creevey tells us, that there are two In-' dia Budgets now in preparation, and he begs us to look to them as the source of knowledge with regard to India Affairs. Now, reader, you will please to recollect, that we have had these India Budgets submitted to parliament, annually, for these 13 years last past; and, need I ask you, what is the knowledge we have ever received from them? Need I ask you, whether we ever therefore, received any knowledge or any benefit at all?

TO THE READERS OF THE REGISTER. You have heard much of the INTENDED DISPATCH of the East India Directors, wherein they take a view of, and give their opinion upon, the conduct of Marquis Wellesley. You have been, by me, regularly informed of the several efforts that have been made to keep this Dispatch from the public eye. It is now, however, thanks to the Directors, printed and published; and as you must have observed the scandalous silence of the news-papers, in general, upon all matters connected with this important inquiry, I propose, in my next Number, to insert the whole of the INTENDED DISPATCH, and to omit publishing a double sheet at the suceding period for publishing a double sheet; so that, the VOLUME will, as usual, contain Po more than 33 sheets.

PRUSSIA. Order in Council for laying an Embargo on Prussian Vessels, c. From the London Gazette, April 19, 1806.

At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 16th of April, 1806, present the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Whereas his Majesty has received advice, that his Majesty the King of Prussia has taken possession of his Majesty's Electoral dominious, in a forcible and hostile manner; and has al so caused it to be notified to his Majesty's Minister at the Court of Berlin, that all British ships were thenceforth to be excluded from the ports of the Prussian dominions, and from certain other ports in the North of Europe, under the forcible controul of Prussia, in violation of the just rights and interests of his Majesty and his dominions, and contrary to the established law and practice of nations in amity with each other: and whereas his Majesty, by and with the advice of his privy council, has been pleased to cause an embargo to be laid upon vessels belonging to the subjects of Prussia now within, or which hereafter shall come into, any of the ports of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, together with all persons and effects on board the said vessels: and whereas there is just reason to appre.. hend that the neutrality of the rivers Elbe, Weser, and Ems, and the free navigation thereof, will not, under these circumstances, be duly respected by his Majesty's enemies. but will be rendered subject to the hostile measures above described; his Majesty, by and with the advice of his privy council, is pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered, that a general embargo or stop be made in like manner, until further order from this board, of all ships and vessels belonging to persons residing in any ports or places situate upon the said rivers Elbe, Weser, andEms, save and except vessels under the Da nish flag, and also save and except, that in respect to the goods and effects on board such ships and vessels which shall have been laden in, or are coming consigned to, any ports of the United Kindom, the same shall be forthwith liberated and delivered up to the said laders and consignees respectively; and it is hereby further ordered, that no property or freight-money appearing to belong to any subject of Prussia, or to any persons residing as aforesaid, respecting which proceedings are now depending, or shall hereafter depend, in any of his Majesty's Courts of Prize, shall be decreed to be restored, nor shall the proceeds of any property or freight-money belonging as aforesaid, which hath already been decreed to be restored, be paid to or on behalf of the claimants, but the same shall be kept in

safe custody until his Majesty's further order herein and it is further ordered, that no person residing within His Majesty's dominions do presume to pay any freight-money due or payable to or behalf of any person or persons, being subjects, or residing within the dominions of the King of Prussia, or in the ports or places aforesaid, for the freight of merchandize laden on board any ship which is detained under the said embargo, or which shall hereafter he brought into any of the ports of his Majesty's dominions, but that such freight-money shall be forthwith paid into the Registry of the High Court of Admiralty, there to remain until his Majesty's pleasure shall be further known, or until other provision shall be made by law : [To be continued.]

PROPERTY TAX.

SIR, Having lately noticed in your Register several spirited and just remarks on the Property Tax bill, particularly those of Britannicus; I am induced also to offer an observation, which in my humble opinion, is a much stronger argument against the present proposed system, than any I have yet met with; therefore I wish, as far as my abilities will allow me, to convey my. sentiments, through your well established Journal; confident that if I shall not treat the sabject as it deserves, or so well, as many of your other correspondents have done before me; yet I trust I shall give the hint, which some more abler hand than myself may do justice to, and by representing the evil before it is too late, render a service to the country, as well as the public in general. In some degree, I must premise, that your correspondent Britannicus, has anticipated my ideas, though he has not sufficiently brought it to light therefore I must in justice to him, allow, that I have derived great assistance, from the plain and enlightened manner, in which he has laid down his positions by classing them under different heads.It is my intention only to touch, or rather enlage upon the first of his, viz: "the proprietor of land, houses, &c. &c." In order to strengthen my argument and make my position good, I must first appeal to you Mr. Cobbett, by asking you whether lauded property has not within these last twenty years, or less, advanced at least one-third this I think, you will say, is really the fact then I must again ask you, whether the war taxes, together with the depreciation of money exceed the above onethird rise in landed property? To this latter query, I presume everyone will answer, No! Ip These being granted, my argument then

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comes to this,--That the person (let his rank in life be what it may) who twenty years ago, possesses landed property or Houses &c which gave him an income of a 1000l. or even 10,0001, less or more, still enjoys the same at this day, without suffering the smallest dimination. How does this arise? why by this increase and value of property. which more than overpays every tax, that a person possessed of such property and income is subject, to so that the rich and men of property do not bear their equal share in any tax or burthen whatever, but enjoy at their ease, every luxury in life,' while the middling classes and every other downwards are taxed upon tax, till the period may come, when they cannot support it any longer. If I do not state the cri gin of the evil or the plain matter of fact I can only wish our legislators would look into it, by witnessing the daily bankruptcies throughout the country, and then exa mine the source! Let them enquire from whence the evil springs! it will speak for itself and tell them that it proceeds from the load of taxes levied in a disproportionate manner and way. I will maintain that the rich and particularly those of landed property, literally pay no taxes, or at least by no means in proportion to the other clas-" ses below them. For example, a person' who enjoyed 10 or 20 years ago 10,000l. a year, his property is equal now to 15,000l., so that he sits down with 10,000l, a year still, for the increase of 50001. a year more than over pays every tax, that this property, is subject to the same is good, in larger or lesser incomes. Again a proprietor of a house or houses, who 10 years ago let his house at 1001. per ann. gets now at least 150.' Who pays the increase of Taxes? Why the Renter! and here becomes the burthen. In fact, there is no knowing, where the evil will end, unless a more proper and just mode is established, both in levelling and collecting taxes. The income tax, although not the most pleasing, is certainly one of the most equitable modes of taxation, that ever was thought of by any Government; and, as your Correspondent justly remarks, that "nothing is wanting to render this tax "(as a war tax) equitable in itself, and "highly beneficial to the public; but, it

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come Tax, in every respect, less galling more eligible and more productive than those, which have hitherto been acted upon. -Thus much, Mr. Cobbett, I have presumed to trouble you with, in hop s, your better pen may point out, what mine has so imperfectly done, or omitted on a subject which so nearly concerns the very fabric of our glorious Constitution.-LEX.

MR. WINDHAM'S PLAN.

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that I was prepared for even more awful
changes affecting ourselves than the hostility
of our late allies, who were receiving our
millions of English money; for, contem-
plating the political state of Europe in con-
junction with the character and the genius
of the French ruler, and the nation he go-
verns, I had even looked forward to the
time when another Paul of Muscovy may
unite with France, and carry into the confe-
deracy Denmark and Sweden *.' And who.
after what has since happened in Austria and
Prussia, shall say that such a period is now
distant? When the cabinet of St. Peters-
burgh shall see the aggrandizement of Rus-
sia in an alliance offensive and defensive with
France, that alliance will take place. And,
was it ever yet so likely to take place as now,
or shortly, when Austria and Prussia have
lost their rank as European states, and be-
come dependents on a haughty superior;
and when it is in the power of France to take
Russia into partnership, as an equal for
schemes of mutual aggrandisement? Look
to the East, and you will see the golden
means! Has then, Mr. Secretary Windham,
'duly considered", the changed, and still
changing state of Europe? Had he fully di-
gested a system of defence against the hordes
that may once more, after the revolution of
a thousand years, be poured upon our shores
from the Baltic, and the two hundred addi-
tional miles of coast from the Sound to the
Southward, with "its" fifteen or sixteen
outlets+ 'ere we approach Boulogne?" Napo-
leon, be it remembered, has shewn a fond-
ness for not only reviving ancient names, but
ancient schemes.

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Enfield, 16th April, 1805. SIR,By your having invited my correspondence on the subject of national defence, and by the very flattering attention you have shewn towards my ideas on that subject, I cannot but feel highly gratified. I trust, however, Sir, that with you I shall have credit for this being a gratification in which personal vanity has at the most a very subordinate share. The subject is truly awful. It must now come home to every man's bosom. Mr. Secretary Windham in particular, occupies a station in which, as a statesman he has every thing to hope, and every thing to fear. As private individuals, you, Mr. Cobbett, and myself, as well as others who have offered military plans, must on the present occasion feel peculiarly interested. Our reputations, which may be as dear to us as if we moved in higher spheres, must be more or less affected by the plan of defence that shall be adopted. Although this consideration would not justify a disingenuous arargument in support of our respective systems, it ought however to operate as an apology to any persons from whom we may differ, not only for our vindicating our own published sentiments, but for any well found- III. As yet, Sir, we can but imperfectly ed animadversions which we may make upon comment upon the secretary's nilitary sys what they have submitted to the public. At tem, of which we have seen no more than the present moment our whole attention some principles and outlines. In your Remust be attracted by the plan which the war gister of the 12th, you have very much antiminister has submitted to parliament. The cipated me in remarking upon the prominent intentions of that minister I certainly do not feature in that system, the standing army, question. His bringing forward the princi- which, unless counterbalanced as reason and ples and outline of his system on the eve of the English constitution require, must inevia parliamentary recess, and his proposing his tably destroy the liberties of our country; bill to be annual, are strong marks of since- while it will not, cannot, in my humble rity, and of inviting discussion; and as you judgment, become our security against subhave meritoriously opened your Weekly Re-jugation to France. After reading Mr. gister to that discussion, and employ in it your own masterly pen, it is to be hoped that much public benefit will be the result.

II. When you first asked me, in your Register of the 22d of March, if I had "duly. "considered the great change that has now "taken place in this country as well as in

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Europe," I might in respect of the latter have referred you for an answer to the last edition of the Ægis written in 1803, to shew

Windham's speech with great attention, find myself under a necessity of withholding my assent to some important parts of his reasoning. I mean as applying generally and permanently to the defence of our country. Mr. Windham is an advocate for simplicity." Towards simplicity, I hold

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it necessary that we should have clear and correct ideas of the different species of military force to be provided; and their relative magnitude. First then, I venture, notwithstanding the arguments favouring a different conclusion, to lay it down as a principle, that the regular army at hoine ought to be limited to a number which, whether it be war or peace, should be considered as only sufficient, but liberally so, for supperting the rotation of foreign duty, and the recruiting of our foreign armies. Secondly, I very much approve of your idea of having that regular army as much as possible of one quality, shutting out expensive establishinents, invidious distinctions, and offensive partialities. To this end, I have long thought it questionable, whether it be right in a maritime nation to appropriate a distinct part only of the army to the duty of marines. Why not a regular rotation of the army for our port garrisons and sea duty, as well as for foreign services? This may be for future consideration. Thirdly, the more I reflect upon the other branch of our military force, the more I see the advantages of resolving it all into one kind, as drawn from the people or civil state, and intended for our fulfilling the several duties of preserving internal tranquillity, supporting the laws, promptly putting down insurrection or rebellion, and, while we effectually resist invasion, preserving our country from the very hazard of the incalcu lable horrors, and desolation of being the seat of war. All this I certainly do not foresee from the adoption of Mr. Secretary Windham's plan. But all this, and more, much more, would, as I conceive, be the natural effect of adhering, in our system of defence, to THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION; and of following up what it for that purpose prescribes by legislation, hinted at in the Egis, for effecting a great change in the national habits and character, in order to preserve our high rank as a nation, through all the dangers Europe may yet have to experience. If, Sir, our ministers shall not in all their measures act in the true spirit of state-reformers, and with the deep wisdom of law-givers, who see the necessity of infusing a new soul into their country, they were not born for the times in which they have been called on to save a sinking land.

IV. By a military force of one kind, I am not to be taken too literally. I mean a force 'under one system, in contradistinction to that of the regulars; and, likewise again, as being different from the present variety, and inconvenient complexity, of militia, volunteers, yeomanry, and men enrolled under the General Defence Act. Here, Sir, I agree with

you, that we want a proper title, and I heartily concur in your objection to a French title; but not in your choice of that of "Trained-men ;" and that for two reasons; first, because the appellation would inevitably bring into our minds the "train bands," which, as soldiers, had become proverbially contemptible; and, secondly, because it would not recal to our thoughts any constitu tional idea. Can we then do better on this occasion than take for our guides the constitution and common law of the land, and indifferently, as best adapted to the context, call the civil state, whenever we have occasion to speak of it in its martial capacity, the civil POWER; or, the armed POWER; Or, the national rOWER? We should of course then, when in an individual county, and speaking of its local martial force, use the old established phrase of county POWER, with strict propriety; in which case this good consequence would follow, that the language of the common law, running through our books for many hundred years back, would still be applicable, and we should be taught to reverence a military system as old as the constitution. I would equally avoid the law latin and the Norman french, the

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posse comitatus" and the "poair del "comitee," of our books. For the same reason that we wish for simplicity, we desire p'ain English; and, if we mean likewise to make the constitution the object of our care, we shall do well to respect both its principles and its language. Hence, Sir, I cannot but greatly lament, as matter of the most serious ill consequence, that Mr. Secretary Windham should so readily become an imitator of preceding ministers, and enter at this serious crisis to England, upon a system of military experiment and speculation, much as if no English constitution had ever existed; or, as if nothing upon the subject. was therein contained worth regard: whereas no truth is more certain, than that the best defensive military system of human invention is there to be found. I am speaking of principles; for the practical application mut depend on the arms and military science of the day. In the standing army as much im provement as he pleases, provided only he limits its numerical strength to what our fo reign necessities require, and the security of our liberties prescribes.

V. I trust that that minister is a sincere friend to the liberties of his country, and I attribute the errors to which I have alluded, to that which I conceive to be another great error; namely, his confidence in the prowess of a regular army, and his distrust of the efficiency of any other species of force, being

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