both of whites and of blacks, and to introduce Emancipation with all its train of horror, desolation, and ruin. By a very able writer they have been warned of a Crisis* in which it is supposed they stand, and the prospect of an independent free Black Government, established near them, has been set out as pregnant to them with dangers. Yet they have seen that free and independent Black Government attempted, and they have seen it, too, crumbling, by its own weight, into destruction. In a case of experiment and doubt, the value of the object at stake should be kept in view. The measure pro

ting the slaves that are already in our "plantations," it should at the same time appear to be forgotten, that there must exist distinctions, both of opinion and of fact, betwixt freemen and slaves, in a society composed of both. Strangers who visit the West Indies are surprised to find the slaves possessing property, protected by laws, enjoying much leisure, and undisturbed in manyor their enjoyments and pursuits: while those who treat of the subject here, although they profess that the conditions of slave and freeman must of necessity remain, would break down the barriers that separate the classes.—I must be allowed to doubt, how-jected is to stop at once, and entirely change ever, whether the assertion I have quoted respecting Emancipation, be either generally admitted or understood. Can you read this distinction in most of the books, which, with so much industry, have been disseminated to afford you light upon this subject? Do you not feel the same propensity and call to set the slaves free, as to buy no more slaves? The French Friends of the

64

Blacks," and many, stout reformers of our days have had no such hesitation. But, perhaps, it may be prudent now, while the measure of Abolition is in contest, to keep out of your view this further consequence, lest the horrors of Saint Domingo, and the almost total extirpation of the free Negroes there, should stare you in the face,' and indace you to pause upon the preliminary! Or, if those who make this declaration are sincere, how comes it that something has, upon attentive investigation, arisen ta correct and to control the first dictates of the heart, and to prove that, what appeared to our unbiassed native feelings so just and hnmane, would not in the experiment, turn out so. Do not the advocates of abolition themselves here teach us a lesson of caution, and inculcate the great truth, that this is indeed, altogether a statesman's question, concerning which superúcial views and ill digested proceedings are caleniat to do mischief rather than good?-Great pains have been taken to persuade the planters that this measure is even calculated to promote their interest and security. The cloquence of the present Chane, of the Excheq, has been powerfully directed to this point, and, eloquent as he is, it cannot be surprising that he should have made some, very few, proselytes. But, the great body of the planters continue steady and unvarying in sentiment, and they not only affirm, but give cogent reasons for their persuasion, that to abolish the Slave Trade is the sure way to depopulate the islands

Edinburgh Review, No. 8.

the system on which the West India Colonics have been settled, improved and brought to their present progress in cultivation. What are these Colonies, and what figure do they assume in the general Table of the National Prosperity? The investigation would carry us too far; but some notion may be gained from a few Custom House documents :

to our favourable Balance of Trade.-It is to be observed, that the average exports to the West India Islands, of the three years ending the 5th of January, 1800, amounted to 6,054,8901.; and that the falling off (upwards of a million annually) in these latter years, is intirely to be imputed to the discouragements which have hung over the colonies, the impending question of Abolition among the rest. To these discouragements it is owing that their cultivation has been checked, their credit impaired, and that a rigid and afflictive economy has, through necessity, been introduced into their supply. The British manufacturer, who must feel the consequence, ought to know the cause.---Our inveterate and formidable enemy declares that he wants "ships, colonies, and "commerce:" he discerns the intimate connection which these objects have with each other, and he feels the vast power which united they confer. It is against us that he is now plotting future mischief, and respecting his ability to harm us, and our means of resistance, it is much the same thing whether he obtains or we cast off these acknowledged sources of national strength and grandeur. Ought we to risque their diminution in the present conjuncture?-But, I have trespassed too long on your notice, and will conclude with repeating a caution which, on this subject, has already been held out to you, that you bring not on yourselves the fate of a certain Italian, who, blest with a good constitution, killed himself with experiments upon it, and ordered these words to be engraven on his Tomb-stone: I was well, but would be better-and HERE I am.

LORD NELSON'S REMAINS.

SENEX.

out of veneration, that an immense sum may fall into the pockets of certain people. There is something so depraved, so shameless and unfeeling in the business on one side, and so entirely misconceived on the other, that the evil cries aloud" from earth as it were to heaven," for immediate eensure. To point out topics of reproof to such a mind as yours is totally unnecessary; but one might have hoped that Englishmen would have had too much sense and feeling, too much reverence and gratitude, to consider the hallowed relics of Nelson as a means to satisfy impertinent curiosity and unbounded avarice. I am, &c. N. O.

PUBLIC PAPERS. SWEDEN AND FRANCE.- -Declaration of the King of Sweden, dated Marswinsholm, near Ystad, Oct. 31, 1805.

We, Gustavus Adolphus, by the Grace of God, King of Sweden, the Goths and Vandals, Heir of Denmark and Norway, Duke of Sleswig and Holstein, &c. &c. declare and make known, that when we entered upon the government of our kingdom, the unfortunate French revolution had prevailed for some years, while the most sanguinary and unheard-of scenes which had been there perpetrated, had spread discord, insurrection, and war, over the greatest part of Europe. During the nine succeeding years, the French revolution never ceased to threaten an interruption of the general tranquillity, and to excite the attention of every country. Trusting in the fidelity of the Swedish nation, and favoured by its distance from France, we witnessed, without alarm, the furious zeal of the factions, and their tyranny over a divided state, persuading ourselves, that the experience of these great calamities, SIR;-As the conductor of a Political Re-produced by dissention and oligarchy, might gister, it has not seldom fallen to your lot to become the guardian of those morals, which either foliy from mistake, or knavery by design, were about to violate. I call upon you to stigmatise with all the energy of your style the conduct of those persons, who, by a shameless abuse of office, are now collecting immense sums, for the open exposure of the honoured dead. St. Paul's Cathedral, Sir, is at the present moment like the keeper's lodge, at the Tower, where you pay a shilling to see the noble animal in his den. The grave (I beg pardon, I mean the marble pavement) of Lord Nelson continues open, and the coffin is exposed at the distance of hardly more than four feet from the surface. Crowds are from morning until dush pouring into the cathedral to gaze upon it, and are thus suffered to commit sacrilege

at length be the means of restoring order, and an equitable government, for the security of the Freneh people, and other states. This pleasing hope was not fulfilled; the government was indeed frequently changed; but the fundamental principles, so dangerous to all Europe, still remained unaltered. They were not only retained under the consular government, but in proportion as power came into the hands of the Fist Consul, his ideas of law and justice were diminished; every thing was now sacrificed to that ambi tion which usurped an authority over the rights of nations and treaties, and even over that respect which all governments wish to preserve for themselves. The blood of on of the worthy descendants of the ancient and honourable family of France was not long since shed by the hand of violence. This

independence and the honour of the Swedish name. And since it has been our care, that, during our absence, the administration of public affairs should be preserved, and

course, we have graciously thought proper to establish a Regency, and to nominate and appoint, as members of the same, the Swedish Baron Wrangle, Bailiff of the Empire, Président, &c. &c. Count Charles Axel, Major-General, &c.; Count Samuel Uglas, Lieut.-General and Inspector of the Cavalry, &c.; Baron Brock Cederstrom, President of our Chancery, and Commandant of the Order of the Northern Star; Baron Frederick William Ehrenheim, our Chancellor of the Court; and our Adjutant-Generals of the fleets and armies.Our gracious will and pleasure, therefore, is, that all our loving subjects and faithful servants, of high and low degree, shall yield the same obedience and obsequiousness to the Regency appointed in cur Royal Name, as to ourselves. To this end, all whom it may concern are commanded to conform themselves; and for the better security of the same, we have, with our own hand, signed this present, and verified it with our Royal Seal. (L. S.) GusTAVUS ADOLPHUS. M. ROSENBLAD.

Speech

shocking circumstance was not only a specimen of the ideas which the French government entertained of law and equity, but also a most disgusting picture of the system it had adopted; and, in every respect, afford-carried on without obstruction, in its usual ing a signal warning to all governments. While this encroachment furasshed the great states with such a view, as enabled them to draw the most genuine conclusions respecting the irresistible power of France, the smaller states were converted into provinces by violence or intrigue; and the danger appeared not less general than overwhelming, as it seemed that security against these menaces was no longer to be found in any distance from the scenes of action.The most justifiable claims, made by us upen the French government, were fruitless, in obtaining indemnities for the demands made by several of our subjects, respecting unlawful captures, arbitrary freightage, and an illegal embargo; as the lawless proceedings of the French government were carried to such a pitch, as to lay the Swedish commerce under considerable embarrassments in the French ports, during, the space of nine months. Such proceedings could only increase the apprehensions entertained of this dangerous conduct, and excite, as it doubtless has in every loyal Swede, a wish for the organization of an adequate counterpoise against a power which had so rashly committed itself in its endeavours to obtain a saperiority, and availed itself of every unjust means to obtain the end proposed.--But as no state was powerful enough to escape the effects of these practices, we hoped that the general experience of these outrages, would finally unite, and concur in their efforts to remove this common nuisance, and effcetually to resist that power the object of which was, by degrees, to subjugate all others.This period has at length arrived, and the greatest powers in Europe have taken the field, to support their own dignity and independence. We have united ourselves with them in every worthy and friendly connection, and for the purpose of sharing in all undertakings, have drawn closer the ties of amity; and we hope, with the assistance of Providence, to contribute to the restoration of the general tranquillity. With this view, we have now passed over, with a part of our army, to Pomerania, there to unite our power with the Russian forces; aud, further, to act with energy in such a manner as circumstances may require.In consequence of this laudable and weighty determination, we fully expect to be accompanied by the blessings and prayers of our faithful subjects, as it is our purpose to contend for the future

WIRTEMBURGH AND FRANCE.

of his Serene Highness the Elector of Wi temberg, to the Depaties of the States, a☛ Stutgardt, October 5, 1905.

During the eight years of ray government, I think I have given so many proofs of my paternal attention to the welfare of my subjects, to which my conscience bears witness, that I am convinced I may justly claim the confidence of iny states, end of my subjects. Some time ago I cororaunicated to the deputies, through my privy council, which is the connecting link between me and my country, and has cqual duties to perform towards both, the perilous situation in which my native land, and my Electoral House, were placed, as well as the urgent necessity of devising means to avert the impending danger.The auswers which I received on this subject were replete with mis

trnst.

My privy council, by my command, repeated the same sentiments; but with as little effect. Of the many disrespectful expressions, interspersed in these answers, I took no notice whatever. I returned; still I could obtain no decisive declaration, and my good intentions were misconstrued. Nevertheless, I did not suffer myself to be diverted from my exertions for the benefit of my country.I sought to obtain an armed, or a simple, neutrality for my doniinions;

fect confidence in the truth and paternal aid and solicitude of your Electoral Highness, and with the most ardent hope, that, exhausted as the country is, the necessary sums of money may be borrowed on the general credit, they are, at the same time, obliged by their duty, to give a respectful aution against all participation in any designs contrary to the principles of the constitution, which may have been introduced into the convention recently concluded.

(To be continued.)

Rev. gentleman makes the following assertion, that "they who can resist such an appeal" [te appeal he had just made in behalf of the Fund-holder's establishment],

can have little title to the character of "Christians, and are utterly unworthy of "the name and privileges of Englishmen." If any one had risen up and asked the Rev, gentleman how he could reconcile it to his outh to be vicar or two parishes, and those so situated as to render it impossible for him to perform his duty at both; if any one of his insulted parishioners had asked him this question, I wonder what he would have said. If he has not quite forgotten the canons of the Church, lie will know very well what I mean, and that may suffice for the present; but, not for the future; for, since so many of the clergy have now, through ignorance or something worse, so clearly shewn themselves to be of a party with the fund-dealers, it is time for the people to examine into their conduct: since they have chosen to become the echo of the placard of Lloyd's; since they have called upon us to perform our duty, as they have dared to call it, in subscribing to the Lloyd's fund, it is time for us to enquire whether they perform their duty, and whether it be not to them that we have to look for the causes that have, within these few years, driven a million and a half of the king's subjects into methodist meetings.- -In his parish, his vicarage, observe, of Ickleton, this anathematizing gentleman (whose clerical capaci ties shall certainly be the subject of remark upon some future occasion) keeps a curate. This curate consulted one of the churchwardens, a principal farmer in the parish, as to the propriety of making a collection at the church on the day of thanksgiving. The churchwarden told him, that he was decidedly adverse to the measure; that he should not subscribe any thing himself; and, of course, should not apply to others for that purpose. The objections which he stated, were, that a large sum, already subscribed, still remained in the hands of the Committee; and, that the Committee conThesisted, for the most part, of men, to whom he was not inclined to give much credit, either for patriotism er benevolence. No collection, therefore, took place; but, in order to remind his parishioners of Ickleton of their duty, the vicar sent his sermon amongst them, by the hands of his curate; from which sermon they were to learn, that they, or their churchwarden at least, "had litle title to the name of Christians,

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. LLOYD'S FUND. The money now in the hands of the self-erected corporation at Lloyd's amounts to nearly a quarter of a million. This is, according to the evident intention of the Committee of underwriters and fund-dealers, to go on accumulating for the purpose of enabling them to grant marks of honour, sums of money, and pensions, out of the interest; and there needs no more sense than that possessed by the Wards and the Canings and the Huskissons to perceive, that, dues, a permanent body, a fivel of the crown, will, if not very soon put an end to, be established beyond the power even of parliament to resist. Many persons, and, among others, the valuable, though unknown correspondent, who has favoured me with the hints that led to the selection of the motto to this sheet, have congratulated me upon the effect produced by my endeavours to expose the unconstitutional, principle, the insolent and tyrannical proceedings, and the nefarious tendency of this project (one of the last, I hope) of the pa-, per-money makers; and, as far as, I am able to judge from appearances, the thinking part of the people begin to be seriously alarmed at the contemplation of what may be the final consequences of a Fund for pensioning and otherwise rewarding the army and the navy, independent of the crown and the parliament. To the instances before given of the means made use of to constrain, to bully, people, into a contribution towards the patriotic and voluntary undertaking at Lloyd's, I will now add one more. REV. NICHOLAS BULL, Vicar of Saffron Walden, Essex, and of Ickleton, Cambridgeshire, in a sermon preached by him, on the thanksgiving day, in the parish church of the former place, and since published, for the benefit of the Patriotic Fund," asserts, by way of conclusion to a long list of texts about war and the movements of the sea, picked out of the Concordance; by way of conclusion to 23 pamphlet pages of common-place dulness, this

and were utterly unworthy of the privi"leges of Englishmen." What privileges