VOL. IX. No. 24.]

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS. BREWING TAX.It is with most sincere satisfaction that I have to observe to my readers, that the ministers have given up this odious tax, which would have so multiplied the pretexts of tax-gatherers for intruding into private houses, which would have so increased the number of those taxgatherers, which would have added so very much to the vexations of the taxing system, that there is no knowing to what consequences it might finally have led. Old George Rose is, I perceive, opposed to the addition made to the Assessed Taxes. This alone would, with me, be no very weak presumption in favour of the measure: but, the measure does not stand in need of George's opposition; for, while it is allowed, that more taxes must be raised, the things to be desired are, that the raising of them should not create new tax-gatherers, new restraints upon the liberty of the subject, and new vexations, and that the weight should not immediately fall upon those the least able to bear it, as in the case of the lower classes on whom the Income Tax has been imposed, but, from whom it is now, I believe, to be taken off. I have only to repeat my hearty approbation of this measure; and, while I congratulate the ministry upon having adopted it, I beg leave again to beseech them to reflect upon the necessity of imposing a heavy tax upon all sinecures, pensions and grants, not bestowed in consequence of real services perform ed, or real losses sustained, for the good of the country in general. A heavy tax, or large deduction from these, together with a resolute and efficient inquiry into the expenditure of the public, and a firm determination to retrench whenever it is practicable, would render new taxes quite unnecessary for many years to come. But, if we go on adding to the taxes; if, though the thing becomes every year more and more difficult to accomplish, we still go on borrowing and taxing, does any man believe it possible, that the war can be carried on, let what will be the terms or the consequence of peace? It is not merely the pressure upon the people, though that is an object well worthy of

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attention; it is in their ultimate effect upon the questions of peace or war that I most dread the additions made to the taxes. To make peace upon terms that would enable us to diminish our expenses, we must let the enemy see that we are able to continue the war, without evident ruin to our national credit; and, never will he see this; never will he, for one moment, be induced to believe it, while he sees us reduced to such miserable means of providing for the expenses of the year. He does, indeed, see LORD GRENVILLE and SIR JOHN NEWPORT at the head of our financial concerns; and, of course, he must suppose, that there is something very profound in contemplation; but, he is too wise a man not to wait for

experience and the evidence of facts," before he believes, that these great political economists have actually placed our affairs upon such a footing as will enable them to order cash payments to be received at the Bank!It is this TAXING part of our present system that forms the only serious obstacle to the schemes, be they what they may, of any minister. As long as new taxes can be found, new loans will be made; and from these new loans, new places, new pensions, and new grants will flow. But, the taxing must stop some time or other; and it must stop, too, some time before it be necessary to have resort to military aid immediately employed in the collection of taxes; or, if it do not, the consequences must be dreadful indeed. Therefore, as there appears to be no prospect of a termination to the war; as there appears to be no practicable means left of adding to the amount of the revenue; the only thing remaining to us, is, to diminish our expenditure; this does remain to us; and to this our ministers will, I trust, lose no time in resorting.

SLAVE TRADE.On Tuesday, the 10th instant, Mr. Fox, after a speech of some length, in the House of Commons, introduced and made the following motion :"That this House, conceiving the African "Slave Trade to be contrary to the principles "of humanity, justice, and sound policy,

will, with all practicable expedition, take

"such measures as shall appear to them ef"fectual for the abolition of the said trade "in such manner, and at such a period as may be deemed adviseable "The debate lasted for several hours, and concluded with a division of 114 for, and 15 against it.Lord Castlereagh observed, that this motion, a inere declamation of an intention to act, without naming any time, or any particular manner of acting, appeared to him to be of no use, except, perhaps, that of keeping up, for a little onger, the old character of the right heuble. mover amongst those who had felt evident disappointment at his conduct since in office. And, really, what can possily be the use of this motion, other than the one here spoken of? That use, however, it will not be of; for, of all those who have been disappointed at the conduct of Mr. Fox (and great indeed is that number) I have never yet heard of one, who even thought about the Slave Trade, every one appearing to have his mind quite sufficiently occupied with seeking for the means of preventing us, ourselves, from becoming slaves, here at home, in our native country; the more especially as the voice of humanity called upon us much more loudly in favour of 1,200,000 paupers of England than in favour of 400,000 negroes of the West-Indies, no one of which negroes is not better fed, is not better off, than any one of those paupers; nay, than any one of the day-labouring men in England-Mr. Fox will, perhaps, tell us, that he cannot help the miseries of the people of England; that it was not he who brought those miseries upon them; and, that any attempt of his to relieve them would be vain. True, he cannot, all at once, relieve the poor of England; and let me add, that he can not do what his motion purports relative to the negroes. It was not he who brought these miseries upon the people of England; but, he has applauded the minister who did, and, what is more, he has, on account of the public merits of that minister, voted 40,000l. of the public money to pay his debts. And, besides, as declarations are so cheap, why not move a declaration descrip tive of a wish to relieve the miseries of the poor of England? Really, one would ima gine, that the hearts of the people here are the only ones that the ministers do not think worth gaining.-But, why bring forward the SLAVE TRADE and leave so many other solemn pledges unredeemed? What are become of all the pledges about PARLIAMEN TARY REFORM; about the IRISH CATHOLIGS; about the MODE OF Governing InDIA; abolitiouRECTION OF ABUSES in the ure Upon the subject

of India there has been made, and is now upon record, a declaration of the House of Commons that has been over and over again violated. Whether Mr. Fox has discovered any very great degree of keenness to punish the violators, I shall not say; but, in the face of that fact, what purpose can it answer to add another declaration to the one already existing about the Slave Trade?—The declaration about the Slave Trade is a dead letter. There is not the least prospect of its being acted upon for many years; whereas the emancipation" of the Irish Catholics might take place in a month or six weeks' time. "Parliamentary Reform" might be begun, at least; and, as to the "Mode of "Governing," or rather, of tyrannizing over India, there never was a better opportunity for changing that, than the one which now presents itself; yet, there, Mr. Fox tells us, that "when a system is once esta"blished, it is, ninety-nine times out of a "hundred, better to let it remain, though "with many evils, than to run the risk of a change!" It is perfectly whimsical to have fixed upon this Slave-Trade subject, whereupon to give a proof of consistency, wherein to make a stir and whence to draw forth the fair fruits of pariotic labour, while all the other great principles, so easily acted upon, are suffered to le fallow. "My dear "Sir," said the English minister to the Ambassador of Bantim, "I will go to the "end of the world to serve you." But, when the Ambassador asked him merely to go to the end of the street to fetch a trunk for him," the varlet laughed in his "face." There are two motives which may lead to the encountering of difficult things: the one is, the love of that fame which is to be acquired only by achieve ments: the other is, the desire to obtain credit for an attempt, and to secure, at the same time, an apology for a failure. From which of these Mr. Fox's motion has proceeded I must leave the reader to judge; but, I must say, that, unless the resolution could have been immediately acted upon; or, at least, unless some time could have been named for

acting upon it, the motion does appear to me to be capable of producing nothing but mischief in the West-Indies, and, that too, at a moment the most critical that ever existed for those colonies. If Mr. Fox thinks that the West-India. Colomies are a burden to England, and that to get rid of them would be a good thing, then I allow, that he is acting wisely; but, still, even in that case, I would have preferred the direct course, being convinced, that the present mode of proceeding must produce great mis

THREEPEN

at the hazard of his life; parties paraded with the American colours hoisted over those of England. Meetings were held to originate resolutions in which England was execrated, and their own government treated with the grossest contempt, for its tardiness in declaring against England. The walls were covered with inflammatory hand bills, the writers of which, with the newspapers attached to the party, stuck at nothing that could fan the popular fury.--All this I, who know them, can easily believe of the mongrel rabble at New-York, who call themselves Americans, but who, for the far greater part, perhaps, have escaped from their creditors or the persons they have obbed in Europe. Very different will, I am certain, have been the feelings of the people of America properly so called; and, agreeably with those better feelings, the President seems to have acted.I wish not to justify, or even to excuse the conduct of the British officers, if they have been guilty of the crime alledged against them. I know, too, that some of them are arrogant enough, seeming to think that they inherit from naPure all the power which their King and country have placed in their hands; and, thence, acting very often, for the indulgence of their own passions, without taking into view the interests of their employers. But, I also know, that they frequently meet, in America, with treatment too provoking for men of common spirit to bear. I know, that upon all occasions, the magistracy of New-York have shewn the greatest possible partiality to the enemy's of England; they have, when British sailors have got on shore, protected them against the searches of their ships; they have annoyed our ships in all manner of ways, while they have, in all manner of ways, favoured the ships of the French. All this does not justify the killing of a man, in an American ship, within the waters of the United States, unless the American ship struck the first blow; but, it is quite enough to make us hesitate, before we believe, that the act of violence was committed within those waters, and without justificatory provocation, especially when we reflect, that, to the character for insolence unparalleled in the world, the American captains add the character for falsehood equally pre-eminent. I speak, of course, with exceptions; but, the archives of our courts of vice-ad:niralty will testify for the general trath of my statement.- -The la mentations over the body of the dead seaman, and the indignation so loudly expressed against those who had been the ause of his death, would have sounded bet

ter did we not recollect, that, when, during the last war, American seamen were beaten, flogged, fired at, and, in more than one instance killed, by the French ships, not one regular complaint was made! And, I remember, that, when a vessel had been fired upon, when great mischief had been done, and when the French actually came on board and made the Americans pay for the shot that had been fired at them, I endeavoured, but in vain, to excite in the people of Philalelphia and New-York, some degree of active indignation. I endeavoured to work them up to a petition, or something of that sort; but, so far was I from succeeding, that I was accused of a desire to plunge the nation into war; and, some of the people went so far as actually to propose to send me out of the country, under the Alien Act! Now, when I recollect all these things, though I shall not attempt to justify or excuse the English captains, though I very much regret that an American seaman should have been killed by British. hands, and though I have the greatest dislike to every act of injustice or severity or even rudeness towards the Americans, I must hesitate before I join in condemning the conduct of those captains. Let us hear their account. Let us compare it with the statement of Mr. Dɛ WIT," of New-York, the far greater portion of the public merit of which Mr. De Wrr, is, merely that he has always been known for a bitter and sworn enemy of England.— The conduct of the President has, in this case, been moderate and dignified. He is too wise to plunge the country into war for the purpose of gratifying the hatred of the dominant party at New-York; and, indeed, though his proclamation is founded upon their report and their complaint, it is very evident that he not only perceives the mo tive by which they are actuated, but that, in addition thereto, he suspects their pe racity.

INDIA AFFAIRS.No proceeding can, as was before stated, take place, in the House of Commons, relative to the OUDE CHARGE, until the 18th instant, when it is, apparently, Mr. PAULL's intention to call some witnesses to the bar of the House. The CHARGE itself will be, in part at least, inserted in the present sheet. The remainder will follow; and, it is my intention, under the head of OUDE CHARGE, to put upon record every thing material, whether in support, or in resistance of the charge, which shall occur in the House of Commons; it being, in my opinion, of great importance to the character and the interest of the nation, that this case should be fully and fairly laid before the

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world.In the mean while several additional papers have been moved for on both sides; and, amongst others, a letter written in India by Mr. PAULL approving of the conduct of Marquis Wellesley. The following is the report, taken from the COURIER newspaper, of what was said by Sir Arthur Wellesley and Mr. Paull, in the House of Commons, on the 10th instant, upon the subject of the letter here spoken of: "Sir "ARTHUR WELLESLEY moved, that there "beid before the House, an Extract from "the proceedings of the Governor General "a: Bengal, in the public department, on "the 10th of March, 1803, being a Copy " of a Letter from Mr James Paull, dated "December the 1st 1802; and the Answer "thereto from the Secretary to the Government, dated March the 10th 1803. (The Hon. Baronet read a part of Mr. "Paull's Letter, in which he spoke of the wise, liberal and enlightened policy "which had distinguished every measure "of Marquis Wellesley's Administration). "After a few words from Mr. Paull, who "allowed that the letter had been written "by him, but who stated that it was six "weeks after his return to Lucknow, from "England, the motion was agreed to," The defence must be very bad, if it stand in "need of such means as this. Would any one, let me ask, think of answering me, upon the subject of Mr. Pitt's conduct as a minister, by telling me, that I praised Mr. Pitt as a minister in 1800, just after my return to England? But Mr. Paull now condemns in toto, an administration, which, in toto, he approved of in 1802; and just so have I acted with regard to the administration of Mr Pitt; but, I defy any one to shew that I have herein discovered any want of principle or of consistency. I was not, in 1800, acquainted with the facts that I am now, and long since have been acquainted with. I had, in 1800, been made acquainted with only just what Mr. Pitt and his press chose to let me know. Mr. Paull did, indeed, in returning to India, in 1802, find Marquis Wellesley in possession of Oude; but, did he know the means, by which that possession had been obtained? Could he know the means, and that, too, in six weeks after his arrival in the country? In time he did hear much about those means; but, I will venture to say, that he never was fully acquainted with them till the Oude Papers were put into his hands in consequence of his own motions. Yes, it must be a bad case, indeed, if a letter of the accuser, written under such circumstances; a letter of compliments, written to a man whom every

one complimented; very bad must be the case, if such a letter, so written, be thought of any use in the defence! Let us hope that Marquis Wellesley has something much better than this to urge in his defence. Let us hope, that he has in reserve, some positive instructions to warrant his conduct towards the Nabob Vizier of Oude; or, some proof that the Nabob Vizier violated the treaty made with him by SIR JOHN SHORE, in 1798; for, unless the Marquis can produce something of this kind, I am persuaded that a complimentary letter from a private indi vidual (however highly distinguished for probity and honour that individual might be) will have but little effect in effacing from the minds of foreign nations, the impressions that must necessarily have been produced by the documents now before parliament and the world, relative to the transaç, tions in OUDE.

SOMERSETSHIRE ELECTION.--A con test for the vacant seat in the representation of this county (a vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. DICKINSON) has just begun. The candidates are MR. ACLAND of Fairfield, and MR. LETHBRIDGE of Bridgewater, MR. ACLAND is Chairman of the General Quarter Sessions of the county; and, the principal cause of the anger that seems to prevail in the county, is, that Mr. ACLAND, who had canvassed in August last, upon the prospect of an approaching vacancy, did, in April last, having in the interim become Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, make a formal resignation of his pretensions to a seat for the county, and this upon the ground, that such seat would be altogether incompatible with the situation of Chairman. The paper addressed to his friends upon this occasion, is a most valuable one; not as relating merely to the present occasion, but, as containing principles, the application of which to other cases may be of the utmost importance to the nation in general. The question, how far magistrates, especially if high in point of power, should interfere in elections, or be eligible by the popular voice, has been a subject of discussion, especially in the County of Middlesex. MR. ACLAND, in a manner the most satisfactory, and in a style the most happily adapted to the matter, settled the point. I shall insert the whole of the paper, and then add a few remarks upon what has occurred since the date of it. Upon the most mature and grave deliberation, on the effects "of county representation attaching on the "Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, Mr. "ACLAND is convinced that no political object, by which the public opinion might

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