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child Maria, who helps Telmo to create the atmosphere of impending disaster; while the episodes, particularly those of the return of D. João and the death of Maria, are full of power, and the language is Portuguese of the best.

Entering parliament in 1837, Garrett soon made his mark as an orator. In that year he delivered many notable discourses in defence of liberal ideas. He also brought in a literary copyright bill, which, when it became law in 1851, served as a precedent for similar legislation in England and Prussia. In 1840 he made his famous speech known as Porto Pyreu, in which he skilfully turned the well-known anecdote of the mad Athenian" against his opponents. While attending with assiduity to his duties as a deputy, he wrote, about this time, the drama D. Filippa de Vilhena, founded on an incident in the revolution of 1640, for representation by the pupils of the conservatoire, and the session of 1841 saw another of his oratorical triumphs in his speech against the law of tithes. In July 1843 an excursion to Santarem resulted in his prose masterpiece Viagens na minha terra, at once a novel and a miscellany of literary, political and philosophic criticism, written without plan or method, easy, jovial and epigrammatic. He took no part in the civil war that followed the revolution of Maria da Fonte, but continued his literary labours, producing in 1848 the comedy A Sobrinha do Marquez, dealing with the times of Pombal, and in 1849 an historical memoir on Mousinho da Silveira. He spent much of the year 1850 in finishing his Romanceiro, a collection of folkpoetry of which he was the first to perceive the value; and in June 1851 he was created a viscount. In the following December he drew up the additional act to the constitutional charter, and his draft was approved by the ministers at a cabinet meeting in his house. Further, he initiated the Conselho Ultramarino; and the Law of the Misericordias, with its preamble, published in 1852, was entirely from his pen. In the same year he became for a short time minister of foreign affairs. In 1853 he brought out Folhas Cahidas, a collection of short poems ablaze with passion and exquisite in form, of which his friend Herculano said: "if Camoens had written love verses at Garrett's age, he could not have equalled him." His final literary work was a novel, Helena, which he left unfinished, and on the roth of February 1854 he made his last notable specch in the House. He died on the 9th of December 1854, and on the 3rd of May 1903 his remains were translated to the national pantheon, the Jeronymos at Belem, where they rest near to those of Camoens. As poet, novelist, journalist, orator and dramatist, he deserves the remark of Rebello da Silva: “ Garrett was not a man of letters only but an entire literature in himself."

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Besides his strong religious faith, Garrett was endowed with a deep sensibility, a creative imagination, rare taste and a singular capacity for sympathy. Thus, though a learned man and an able jurist, he was bound to be first and always an artist. His artistic temperament explains his many-sided activity, his expansive kindliness, his seductive charm, especially for women, his patriotism, his aristocratic pretensions, his huge vanity and dandyism, and the ingenuousness that absolves him from many faults in an irregular life. From his rich artistic nature sprang his profound, sincere, sensual and melancholy lyrics, the variety and perfection of his scenic creations, the splendour of his eloquence, the truth of his comic vein, the elegance of his lighter compositions. Two books stand out in bold relief from among his writings: Folhas Cahidas, and that tragedy of fatality and pity, Frei Luis de Sousa, with its gallery of noble figures incarnating the truest realism in an almost perfect prose form. The complete collection of his works comprises twenty-four volumes and there are several editions.

AUTHORITIES.-Gomes de Amorim, Garrett, memorias biographicas (3 vols., Lisbon, 1881-1888); D. Romero Ortiz, La Litteratura Portuguesa en el siglo XIX (Madrid, 1869), pp. 165-221; Dr Theophilo Braga, Garrett e o romantismo (Oporto, 1904), and Garrett e os dramas romanticos (Oporto, 1905), with a full bibliography; Innocencio da Silva, Diccionario bibliographico Portuguez, vol. iii. pp. 309-316, and vol. x. pp. 180-185. See Revue encyclopédique Larousse, No. 284, for a bibliography of the foreign translations of Garrett. Frei Luiz de Sousa was translated by Edgar Prestage under the title Brother Luiz de Sousa (London, 1909). (E. PR.)

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GARRETTING, properly GALLETTING, a term in architecture for the process in which the "gallets" or small splinters of stone are inserted in the joints of coarse masonry to protect the mortar joints; they are stuck in while the mortar is wet.

GARRICK, DAVID (1717–1779), English actor and theatrical manager, was descended from a good French Protestant family named Garric or Garrique of Bordeaux, which had settled in England on the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. His father, Captain Peter Garrick, who had married Arabella Clough, the daughter of a vicar choral of Lichfield cathedral, was on a recruiting expedition when his famous third son was born at Hereford on the 19th of February 1717. Captain Garrick, who had made his home at Lichfield, where he had a large family, in 1731 rejoined his regiment at Gibraltar. This kept him absent from home for many years, during which letters were written to him by "little Davy," acquainting him with the doings at Lichfield. When the boy was about eleven years old he paid a short visit to Lisbon where his uncle David had settled as a wine merchant. On his father's return from Gibraltar, David, who had previously been educated at the grammar school of Lichfield, was, largely by the advice of Gilbert Walmesley, registrar of the ecclesiastical court, sent with his brother George to the "academy" at Edial just opened in June or July 1736 by Samuel Johnson, the senior by seven years of David, who was then nineteen. This seminary was, however, closed in about six months, and on the 2nd of March 1736/7 both Johnson and Garrick left Lichfield for London-Johnson, as he afterwards said, "with twopence halfpenny in his pocket," and Garrick “ with three-halfpence in his." Johnson, whose chief asset was the MS. tragedy of Irene, was at first the host of his former pupil, who, however, before the end of the year took up his residence at Rochester with John Colson (afterwards Lucasian professor at Cambridge). Captain Garrick died about a month after David's arrival in London. Soon afterwards, his uncle, the wine merchant at Lisbon, having left David a sum of £1000, he and his brother entered into partnership as wine merchants in London and Lichfield, David taking up the London business. The concern was not prosperous

though Samuel Foote's assertion that he had known Garrick with three quarts of vinegar in the cellar calling himself a wine merchant need not be taken literally-and before the end of 1741 he had spent nearly half of his capital.

His passion for the stage completely engrossed him; he tried his hand both at dramatic criticism and at dramatic authorship. His first dramatic piece, Lethe, or Aesop in the Shades, which he was thirty-seven years later to read from a splendidly bound transcript to King George III. and Queen Charlotte, was played at Drury Lane on the 15th of April 1740; and he became a wellknown frequenter of theatrical circles. His first appearance on the stage was made in March 1741, incognito, as harlequin at Goodman's Fields, Yates, who was ill, having allowed him to take his place during a few scenes of the pantomime entitled Harlequin Student, or The Fall of Pantomime with the Restoration of the Drama. Garrick subsequently accompanied a party of players from the same theatre to Ipswich, where he played his first part as an actor under the name of Lyddal, in the character of Aboan (in Southerne's Oroonoko). His success in this and other parts determined his future career. On the 19th of October 1741 he made his appearance at Goodman's Fields as Richard III. and gained the most enthusiastic applause. Among the audience was Macklin, whose performance of Shylock, early in the same year, had pointed the way along which Garrick was so rapidly to pass in triumph. On the morrow the latter wrote to his brother at Lichfield, proposing to make arrangements for his withdrawal from the partnership, which, after much distressful complaint on the part of his family, met by him with the utmost consideration were ultimately carried into effect. Meanwhile, each night had added to his popularity on the stage. The town, as Gray (who, like Horace Walpole, at first held out against the furore) declared, was" horn-mad "about him. Before his Richard had exhausted its original effect, he won new applause as Aboan, and soon afterwards as Lear and as Pierre in Ctway's Venice P as well as in several comic characters (including that t

Glover ("Leonidas") attended every performance; the duke of Argyll, Lords Cobham and Lyttelton, Pitt, and several other members of parliament testified their admiration. Within the first six months of his theatrical career he acted in eighteen characters of all kinds, and from the 2nd of December he appeared in his own name. Pope went to see him three times during his first performances, and pronounced that "that young man never had his equal as an actor, and he will never have a rival." Before next spring he had supped with "the great Mr Murray, counsellor," and was engaged to do so with Mr Pope through Murray's introduction, while he was dining with Halifax, Sandwich and Chesterfield. "There was a dozen dukes of a night at Goodman's Fields," writes Horace Walpole. Garrick's farce of The Lying Valet, in which he performed the part of Sharp, was at this time brought out with so much success that he ventured to send a copy to his brother.

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His fortune was now made, and while the managers of Covent Garden and Drury Lane resorted to the law to make Giffard, the manager of Goodman's Fields, close his little theatre, Garrick was engaged by Fleetwood for Drury Lane for the season of 1742. In June of that year he went over to Dublin, where he found the same homage paid to his talents as he had received from his own countrymen. He was accompanied by Margaret (Peg) Woffington, of whom he had been for some time a fervent admirer. (His claim to the authorship of the song to Lovely Peggy is still sub judice. There remains some obscurity as to the end of their liaison.) From September 1742 to April 1745 he played at Drury Lane, after which he again went over to Dublin. Here he remained during the whole season, as joint-manager with Sheridan, in the direction and profits of the Theatre Royal in Smock Alley. In 1746-1747 he fulfilled a short engagement with Rich at Covent Garden, his last series of performances under a management not his own. With the close of that season Fleetwood's patent for the management of Drury Lane expired, and Garrick, in conjunction with Lacy, purchased the property of the theatre, together with the renewal of the patent; contributing £8000 as two-thirds of the purchase-money. In September 1747 it was opened with a strong company of actors, Johnson's prologue being spoken by Garrick, while the epilogue, written by him, was spoken by Mrs Woffington. The negotiations involved Garrick in a bitter quarrel with Macklin, who appears to have had a real grievance in the matter. Garrick took no part himself till his performance of Archer in the Beaux' Stratagem, a month after the opening. For a time at least "the drama's patrons' were content with the higher entertainment furnished them; in the end Garrick had to "please " them, like most other managers, by gratifying their love of show. Garrick was surrounded by many players of eminence, and he had the art, as he was told by Mrs Clive, "of contradicting the proverb that one cannot make bricks without straw, by doing what is infinitely more difficult, making actors and actresses without genius." He had to encounter very serious opposition from the old actors whom he had distanced, and with the younger actors and actresses he was involved in frequent quarrels. But to none of them or their fellows did he, so far as it appears, show that jealousy of real merit from which so many great actors have been unable to remain free. For the present he was able to hold his own against all competition. The naturalness of his acting fascinated those who, like Partridge in Tom Jones, listened to nature's voice, and justified the preference of more conscious critics. To be" pleased with nature was, as Churchill wrote, in the Rosciad (1761), to be pleased with Garrick. For the stately declamation, the sonorous, and beyond a doubt impressive, chant of Quin and his | fellows, Garrick substituted rapid changes of passion and humour in both voice and gesture, which held his audiences spellbound. "It seemed," wrote Richard Cumberland, " as if a whole century had been stepped over in the passage of a single scene; old things were done away, and a new order at once brought forward, 1 In the subsequent Apology addressed to the Critical Reviewers, Churchill revenged himself for the slight which he supposed Garrick to have put upon him, by some spiteful lines, which, however, Garrick requited by good-humoured kindness.

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bright and luminous, and clearly destined to dispel the barbarisms of a tasteless age, too long superstitiously devoted to the illusions of imposing declamation." Garrick's French descent and his education may have contributed to give him the vivacity and versatility which distinguished him as an actor; and nature had given him an eye, if not a stature, to command, and a mimic power of wonderful variety. The list of his characters in tragedy, comedy and farce is large, and would be extraordinary for a modern actor of high rank; it includes not less than seventeen Shakespearian parts. As a manager, though he committed some grievous blunders, he did good service to the theatre and signally advanced the popularity of Shakespeare's plays, of which not less than twenty-four were produced at Drury Lane under his management. Many of these were not pure Shakespeare; and he is credited with the addition of a dying speech to the text of Macbeth. On the other hand, Tate Wilkinson says that Garrick's production of Hamlet in 1773 was well received at Drury Lane even by the galleries, "though without their favourite acquaintances the gravediggers." Among his published adaptations are an opera, The Fairies (from Midsummer Night's Dream) (1755); an opera The Tempest (1756); Catherine and Petruchio (1758); Florizel and Perdita (1762). But not every generation has the same notions of the way in which Shakespeare is best honoured. Few sins of omission can be charged against Garrick as a manager, but he refused Home's Douglas, and made the wrong choice between False Delicacy and The Good Natur'd Man. For the rest, he purified the stage of much of its grossness, and introduced a relative correctness of costume and decoration unknown before. To the study of English dramatic literature he rendered an important service by bequeathing his then unrivalled collection of plays to the British Museum.

After escaping from the chains of his passion for the beautiful but reckless Mrs Woffington, Garrick had in 1749 married Mademoiselle Violette (Eva Maria Veigel), a German lady who had attracted admiration at Florence or at Vienna as a dancer, and had come to England early in 1746, where her modest grace and the rumours which surrounded her created a furore, and where she found enthusiastic patrons in the earl and countess of Burlington. Garrick, who called her "the best of women and wives," lived most happily with her in his villa at Hampton; acquired by him in 1754, whither he was glad to escape from his house in Southampton Street. To this period belongs Garrick's quarrel with Barry, the only actor who even temporarily rivalled him in the favour of the public. In 1763 Garrick and his wife visited Paris, where they were cordially received and made the acquaintance of Diderot and others at the house of the baron d'Holbach. It was about this time that Grimm extolled Garrick as the first and only actor who came up to the demands of his imagination; and it was in a reply to a pamphlet occasioned by Garrick's visit that Diderot first gave expression to the views expounded in his Paradoxe sur le comédien. After some months spent in Italy, where Garrick fell seriously ill, they returned to Paris in the autumn of 1764 and made more friends, reaching London in April 1765. Their union was childless, and Mrs Garrick survived her husband until 1822. Her portrait by Hogarth is at Windsor Castle.

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Garrick practically ceased to act in 1766, but he continued the management of Drury Lane, and in 1769 organized the Shakespeare celebrations at Stratford-on-Avon, an undertaking which ended in dismal failure, though he composed an “Ode upon dedicating a building and erecting a Statue to Shakespeare on the occasion. (See, inter alia, Garrick's Vagary, or England Run Mad; with particulars of the Stratford Jubilee, 1769.) Of his best supporters on the stage, Mrs Cibber, with whom he had been reconciled, died in 1766, and Mrs (Kitty) Clive retired in 1769; but Garrick contrived to maintain the success of his theatre. He sold his share in the property in 1776 for £35,000, and took leave of the stage by playing a round of his favourite characters— Hamlet, Lear, Richard and Benedick, among Shakespearian parts; Lusignan in Zara, Aaron Hill's adaptation of Voltaire's Zaire; and Kitely in his own adaptation of Ben Jonson's Every Man in his Humour; Archer in Farquhar's Beaux' Stratagem;

Abel Drugger in Ben Jonson's Alchemist; Sir John Brute in Vanbrugh's Provoked Wife; Leon in Fletcher's Rule a Wife and have a Wife. He ended the series, as Tate Wilkinson says, " in full glory "with" the youthful Don Felix "in Mrs Centlivre's Wonder on the 10th of June 1776. He died in London on the 20th of January 1779. He was buried in Westminster Abbey at the foot of Shakespeare's statue with imposing solemnities. An elegy on his death was published by William Tasker, poet and physiognomist, in the same year.

In person, Garrick was a little below middle height; in his later years he seems to have inclined to stoutness. The extraordinary mobility of his whole person, and his power of as it were transforming himself at will, are attested by many anecdotes and descriptions, but the piercing power of his eye must have been his most irresistible feature.

Johnson, of whose various and often merely churlish remarks on Garrick and his doings many are scattered through the pages of Boswell, spoke warmly of the elegance and sprightliness of his friend's conversation, as well as of his liberality and kindness of heart; while to the great actor's art he paid the exquisite tribute of describing Garrick's sudden death as having "eclipsed the gaiety of nations, and impoverished the public stock of harmless pleasure." But the most discriminating character of Garrick, slightly tinged with satire, is that drawn by Goldsmith in his poem of Retaliation. Beyond a doubt he was not without a certain moral timidity contrasting strangely with his eager temperament and alertness of intellect; but, though he was not cast in a heroic mould, he must have been one of the most amiable of men. Garrick was often happy in his epigrams and occasional verse, including his numerous prologues and epilogues. He had the good taste to recognize, and the spirit to make public his recognition of, the excellence of Gray's odes at a time when they were either ridiculed or neglected. His dramatic pieces, The Lying Valet, adapted from Motteux's Novelty Lethe (1740), The Guardian, Linco's Travels (1767), Miss in her Teens (1747), Irish Widow, &c., and his alterations and adaptations of old plays, which together fill four volumes, evinced his knowledge of stage effect and his appreciation of lively dialogue and action; but he cannot be said to have added one new or original character to the drama. He was joint author with Colman of The Clandestine Marriage (1766), in which he is said to have written his famous part of Lord Ogleby. The excellent farce, High Life below Stairs, appears to have been wrongly attributed to Garrick, and to be by James Townley. His Dramatic Works (1798) fill three, his Poctic (1735) two volumes.

Garrick's Private Correspondence (published in 1831-1832 with a short memoir by Boaden, in 2 vols. 4to), which includes his extensive Foreign Correspondence with distinguished French men and women, and the notices of him in the memoirs of Cumberland, Hannah More and Madame D'Arblay, and above all in Boswell's Life of Johnson, bear testimony to his many attractive qualities as a companion and to his fidelity as a friend. BIBLIOGRAPHY.-A collection of unprinted Garrick letters is in the Forster library at South Kensington. A list of publications of all kinds for and against Garrick will be found in R. Lowe's Bibliographical History of English Theatrical Literature (1887). The carlier biographies of Garrick are by Arthur Murphy (2 vols., 1801) and by the bookseller Tom Davies (2 vols., 4th ed., 1805), the latter a work of some merit, but occasionally inaccurate and confused as to dates; and a searching if not altogether sympathetic survey of his verses is furnished by Joseph Knight's valuable Life (1894). A memoir of Garrick is included in a volume of French Memoirs of Mile Clairon and others, published by Levain (H. L. Cain) at Paris in 1846; and an Italian Biografia di Davide Garrick was published by C. Blasis at Milan in 1840. Mr Percy Fitzgerald's Life (2 vols., 1868; new edition, 1899) is full and spirited, and has been reprinted, with additions, among Sir Theodore Martin's Monographs (1906). A delightful essay on Garrick appeared in the Quarterly Review (July 1868), directing attention to the admirable criticisms of Garrick's acting in 1775 in the letters of G. C. Lichtenberg (Verm. Schriften, iii., Göttingen, 1801). See also for a very valuable survey of Garrick's labours as an actor, with a bibliography, C. Gaehde, David Garrick als Shakespeare-Darsteller, &c. (Berlin, 1904). Mrs Parsons' Garrick, and his Circle and Some unpublished Correspondence of David Garrick, ed. G. P. Baker (Boston, Mass., 1907), are interesting additions to the literature of the subject. There is also a Life by James Smyth, David Garrick (1887). T. W. Robertson's play David Garrick, first

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acted by Sothern, and later associated with Sir Charles Wyndham, is of course mere fiction. As to the portraits of Garrick, see W. T. Lawrence in The Connoisseur (April 1905). That by Gainsborough at Stratford-onAvon was preferred by Mrs Garrick to all others. Several remain from the hand of Hogarth, including the famous picture of Garrick as Richard III. The portraits by Reynolds include the celebrated "Garrick between Tragedy and Comedy." Zoffany's are portraits in character. Roubiliac's statue of Shakespeare, for which Garrick sat, and for which he paid the sculptor three hundred guineas, was originally placed in a small temple at Hampton, and is now in the (R. CA.; A. W. W.) entrance hall at the British Muscum.

GARRISON, WILLIAM LLOYD (1805-1879), the American anti-slavery leader, was born in Newburyport, Massachusetts, U.S.A., on the 10th of December 1805. His parents were from the British province of New Brunswick. The father, Abijah, a sea-captain, went away from home when William was a child, and it is not known whether he died at sea or on land. The mother, whose maiden name was Lloyd, is said to have been a woman of high character, charming in person and eminent for piety. She died in 1823. William had a taste for books, and made the most of his limited opportunities. His mother first set him to learn the trade of a shoemaker, first at Newburyport, and then, after 1815, at Baltimore, Maryland, and, when she found that this did not suit him, let him try his hand at cabinet-making (at Haverhill, Mass.). But this pleased him no better. In October 1818, when he was in his fourteenth year, he was made more than content by being indentured to Ephraim W. Allen, proprietor of the Newburyport Herald, to learn the trade of a printer. He soon became an expert compositor, and after a time began to write anonymously for the Herald. His communications won the commendation of the editor, who had not at first the slightest suspicion that he was the author. He also wrote for other papers with equal success. A series of political essays, written by him for the Salem Gazette, was copied by a prominent Philadelphia journal, the editor of which attributed them to the Hon. Timothy Pickering, a distinguished statesman of Massachusetts. His skill as a printer won for him the position of foreman, while his ability as a writer was so marked that the editor of the Herald, when temporarily called away from his post, left the paper in his charge.

The printing-office was for him, what it has been for many another poor boy, no mean substitute for the academy and for the college. He was full of enthusiasm for liberty; the struggle of the Greeks to throw off the Turkish yoke enlisted his warmest sympathy, and at one time he seriously thought of entering the West Point Academy and fitting himself for a soldier's career. His apprenticeship ended in 1826, when he began the publication of a new paper (actually the old one under a new name), the Free Press, in his native place. The paper, whose motto was Our Country, our Whole Country, and nothing but our Country," was full of spirit and intellectual force, but Newburyport was a sleepy place and the enterprise failed. Garrison then went to Boston, where, after working for a time as a journeyman printer, he became the editor of the National Philanthropist, the first journal established in America to promote the cause of total abstinence from intoxicating liquors. His work in this paper was highly appreciated by the friends of temperance, but a change in the proprietorship led to his withdrawal before the end of the year. In 1828 he was induced to establish the Journal of the Times at Bennington, Vermont, to support the re-election of John Quincy Adams to the presidency of the United States. The new paper, though attractive in many ways, and full of force and fire, was too far ahead of public sentiment on moral questions to win a large support. In Boston he had met Benjamin Lundy (q.v.), who had for years been preaching the abolition of slavery. Garrison had been deeply moved by Lundy's appeals, and after going to Vermont he showed the deepest interest in the slavery question. Lundy was then publishing in Baltimore a small monthly paper, entitled The Genius of Universal Emancipation, and he resolved to go to Bennington and invite Garrison to join him in the editorship. With this object in view he walked from Boston to Bennington, through the frost and snow of a New England winter, a distance of 125 m. His mission was successful. Garrison was

deeply impressed by the good Quaker's zeal and devotion, and he resolved to join him and devote himself thereafter to the work of abolishing slavery.

means of lectures in some of the principal cities and towns of the North. It was an up-hill work. Contempt for the negro and indifference to his wrongs were almost universal. In Boston, then a great cotton mart, he tried in vain to procure a church or vestry for the delivery of his lectures, and thereupon announced in one of the daily journals that if some suitable place was not promptly offered he would speak on the common. A body of infidels under the leadership of Abner Kneeland (1774-1844), who had previously been in turn a Baptist minister and the editor of a Universalist magazine, proffered him the use of their small hall; and, no other place being accessible, he accepted it gratefully, and delivered therein (in October 1830) three lectures, in which he unfolded his principles and plans. He visited privately many of the leading citizens of the city, statesmen, divines and merchants, and besought them to take the lead in a national movement against slavery; but they all with one consent made excuse, some of them listening to his plea with manifest impatience. He was disappointed, but not disheartened. His conviction of the righteousness of his cause, of the evils and dangers of slavery, and of the absolute necessity of the contemplated movement, was intensified by opposition, and he resolved to go forward, trusting in God for success.

On the 1st of January 1831, without a dollar of capital, and without a single subscriber, he and his partner Isaac Knapp (1804-1843) issued the first number of the Liberator, avowing their

In pursuance of this plan he went to Baltimore in the autumn of 1829, and thenceforth the Genius was published weekly, under the joint editorship of the two men. It was understood, however, that Garrison would do most of the editorial work, while Lundy would spend most of his time in lecturing and procuring subscribers. On one point the two editors differed radically, Lundy being the advocate of gradual and Garrison of immediate emancipation. The former was possessed with the idea that the negroes, on being emancipated, must be colonized somewhere beyond the limits of the United States; the latter held that they should be emancipated on the soil of the country, with all the rights of freemen. In view of this difference it was agreed that each should speak on his own individual responsibility in the paper, appending his initial to each of his articles for the information of the reader. It deserves mention here that Garrison was then in utter ignorance of the change previously wrought in the opinions of English abolitionists by Elizabeth Heyrick's pamphlet in favour of immediate, in distinction from gradual emancipation. The sinfulness of slavery being admitted, the duty of immediate emancipation to his clear ethical instinct was perfectly manifest. He saw that it would be idle to expose and denounce the evils of slavery, while responsibility for the system was placed upon former generations, and the duty of abolishing" determination to print it as long as they could subsist on bread it transferred to an indefinite future. His demand for immediate emancipation fell like a tocsin upon the ears of slaveholders. For general talk about the evils of slavery they cared little, but this assertion that every slave was entitled to instant freedom filled them with alarm and roused them to anger, for they saw that, if the conscience of the nation were to respond to the proposition, the system must inevitably fall. The Genius, now that it had become a vehicle for this dangerous doctrine, was a paper to be feared and intensely hated. Baltimore was then one of the centres of the domestic slave trade, and upon this traffic Garrison heaped the strongest denunciations. A vessel owned in Newburyport having taken a cargo of slaves from Baltimore to New Orleans, he characterized the transaction as an act of "domestic piracy," and avowed his purpose to "cover with thick infamy those engaged therein. He was thereupon prosecuted for libel by the owner of the vessel, fined $50, mulcted in costs, and, in default of payment, committed to gaol. His imprisonment created much excitement, and in some quarters, in spite of the pro-slavery spirit of the time, was a subject of indignant comment in public as well as private. The excitement was fed by the publication of two or three striking sonnets, instinct with the spirit of liberty, which Garrison inscribed on the walls of his cell. One of these, Freedom of Mind, is remarkable for freshness of thought and terseness of expression.

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John G. Whittier, the Quaker poet, interceded with Henry Clay to pay Garrison's fine and thus release him from prison. To the credit of the slaveholding statesman it must be said that he responded favourably, but before he had time for the requisite preliminaries Arthur Tappan, a philanthropic merchant of New York, contributed the necessary sum and set the prisoner free after an incarceration of seven weeks. The partnership between Garrison and Lundy was then dissolved by mutual consent, and the former resolved to establish a paper of his own, in which, upon his sole responsibility, he could advocate the doctrine of immediate emancipation and oppose the scheme of African colonization. He was sure, after his experiences at Baltimore, that a movement against slavery resting upon any less radical foundation than this would be ineffectual. He first proposed to establish his paper at Washington, in the midst of slavery, but on returning to New England and observing the state of public opinion there, he came to the conclusion that little could be done at the South while the non-slaveholding North was lending her influence, through political, commercial, religious and social channels, for the sustenance of slavery. He determined, therefore, to publish his paper in Boston, and, having issued his prospectus, set himself to the task of awakening an interest in the subject by

and water, or their hands obtain employment." Its motto was,
"Our country is the world—our countrymen are mankind "; and
the editor, in his address to the public, uttered the words which
have become memorable as embodying the whole purpose and
spirit of his life: "I am in earnest-I will not equivocate-I will
not excuse I will not retreat a single inch-and I will be
heard." Help came but slowly. For many months Garrison
and his brave partner, who died long before the end of the
conflict, made their bed on the floor of the room,
"dark, un-
furnished and mean," in which they printed their paper, and
where Mayor Harrison Gray Otis of Boston, in compliance with
the request of Governor Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina,
ferreted them out " in "an obscure hole," " their only visible
auxiliary a negro boy." But the paper founded under such
inauspicious circumstances exerted a mighty influence, and lived
to record not only President Lincoln's proclamation of emancipa-
tion, but the adoption of an amendment to the constitution of the
United States for ever prohibiting slavery: It was the beginning
and the nucleus of an agitation that eventually pervaded and
filled every part of the country. Other newspapers were after-
wards established upon the same principles; anti-slavery
societies, founded upon the doctrine of immediate emancipation,
sprang up on every hand; the agitation was carried into political
parties, into the press, and into legislative and ecclesiastical
assemblies; until in 1861 the Southern states, taking alarm from
the election of a president known to be at heart opposed to
slavery though pledged to enforce all the constitutional safe-
guards of the system, seceded from the Union and set up a
separate government.

Garrison sought the abolition of slavery by moral means alone. He knew that the national government had no power over the system in any state, though it could abolish it at the national capital, and prohibit it in the territories. He thought it should bring its moral influence to bear in favour of abolition; but neither he nor his associates ever asked Congress to exercise any unconstitutional power. His idea was to combine the moral influence of the North, and pour it through every open channel upon the South. To this end he made his appeal to the Northern churches and pulpits, beseeching them to bring the power of Christianity to bear against the slave system, and to advocate the rights of the slaves to immediate and unconditional freedom. He was a man of peace, hating war not less than he did slavery; but he warned his countrymen that if they refused to abolish slavery by moral power a retributive war must sooner or later ensue. The conflict was irrepressible. Slavery must be overthrown, if not by peaceful means, then in blood. The first society

organized under Garrison's auspices, and in accordance with his principles, was the New England Anti-Slavery Society, which adopted its constitution in January 1832. In the spring of this year Garrison issued his Thoughts on African Colonization, in which he showed by ample citations from official documents that the American Colonization Society was organized in the interest of slavery, and that in offering itself to the people of the North as a practical remedy for that system it was guilty of deception. His book, aided by others taking substantially the same view, smote the society with a paralysis from which it never recovered. Agents of the American Colonization Society in England having succeeded in deceiving leading Abolitionists there as to its character and tendency, Garrison was deputed by the New England Anti-Slavery Society to visit England for the purpose of counteracting their influence. He went in the spring of 1833, when he was but twenty-seven years of age, and was received with great cordiality by British Abolitionists, some of whom had heard of his bold assaults upon American slavery, and had seen a few numbers of the Liberator. The struggle for emancipation in the West Indies was then at the point of culmination; the leaders of the cause, from all parts of the kingdom, were assembled in London, and Garrison was at once admitted to their councils and treated with distinguished consideration. He took home with him a "protest " against the American Colonization Society, signed by Wilberforce, Zachary Macaulay, Samuel Gurney, William Evans, S. Lushington, T. Fowell Buxton, James Cropper, Daniel O'Connell and others, in which they declared their deliberate judgment that "its precepts were delusive," and "its real effects of the most dangerous nature." He also received assurances of the cordial sympathy of British Abolitionists with him in his efforts to abolish American slavery. He gained a hearing before a large popular assembly in London, and won the confidence of those whom he addressed by his evident earnestness, sincerity and ability.

Garrison's visit to England enraged the pro-slavery people and press of the United States at the outset, and when he returned home in September with the " protest "against the Colonization Society, and announced that he had engaged the services of George Thompson as a lecturer against American slavery, there were fresh outbursts of rage on every hand. The American Anti-Slavery Society was organized in December of that year (1833), putting forth a masterly declaration of its principles and purposes from the pen of Garrison. This added fresh fuel to the public excitement, and when Thompson came over in the next spring, the hostility to the cause began to manifest itself in mobs organized to suppress the discussion of the slavery question. Now began what Harriet Martineau called "the martyr age in America." In the autumn of 1835 Thompson was compelled, in order to save his life, to embark secretly for England. Just before his departure the announcement that he would address the Woman's Anti-Slavery Society of Boston created" a mob of gentlemen of property and standing," from which, if he had been present, he could hardly have escaped with his life. The whole city was in an uproar. Garrison, almost denuded of his clothing, was dragged through the streets with a rope by infuriated men. He was rescued with great difficulty, and consigned to the gaol for safety, until he could be secretly removed from the city.

Anti-slavery societies were greatly multiplied throughout the North, and many men of influence, both in the church and in the state, were won to the cause. Garrison, true to his original purpose, never faltered or turned back. The Abolitionists of the United States were a united body until 1839-1840, when divisions sprang up among them. Garrison countenanced the activity of women in the cause, even to the extent of allowing them to vote and speak in the anti-slavery societies, and appointing them as lecturing agents; moreover, he believed in the political equality of the sexes, to which a strong party was opposed upon social and religious grounds. Then there were some who thought Garrison dealt too severely with the churches and pulpits for their complicity with slavery, and who accused him of a want of religious orthodoxy; indeed, according to the

standards of his time he was decidedly heterodox, though he had an intensely religious nature and was far from being an infidel, as he was often charged with being. He was, moreover, not only a non-resistant but also an opponent of all political systems based on force. "As to the governments of this world," he said, "whatever their titles or forms we shall endeavour to prove that in their essential elements, as at present administered, they are all anti-Christ; that they can never by human wisdom be brought into conformity with the will of God; that they cannot be maintained except by naval and military power to carry them into effect; that all their penal enactments, being a dead letter without any army to carry them into effect, are virtually written in human blood; and that the followers of Jesus should instinctively shun their stations of honor, power, and emolument at the same time submitting to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake' and offering no physical resistance to any of their mandates, however unjust ortyrannical." These views were very distasteful to many, who, moreover, felt that Garrison greatly injured abolitionism by causing it to be associated in men's minds with these unpopular views on other subjects. The dissentients from his opinions determined to form an anti-slavery political party, while he believed in working by moral rather than political party instrumentalities. These differences led to the organization of a new National AntiSlavery Society in 1840, and to the formation of the "Liberty Party" (q.v.) in politics. (See BIRNEY, JAMES G.) The two societies sent their delegates to the World's Anti-Slavery Convention in London in 1840, and Garrison refused to take his seat in that body, because the women delegates from the United States were excluded. The discussions of the next few years served to make clearer than before the practical workings of the constitution of the United States as a shield and support of slavery; and Garrison, after a long and painful reflection, came to the conclusion that its pro-slavery clauses were immoral, and that it was therefore wrong to take an oath for its support. The Southern states had greatly enlarged representation in Congress on account of their slaves, and the national government was constitutionally bound to assist in the capture of fugitive slaves, and to suppress every attempt on their part to gain their freedom by force. In view of these provisions, Garrison, adopting a bold scriptural figure of speech, denounced the constitution as a covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and chose as his motto, "No union with slaveholders."

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One class of Abolitionists sought to evade the difficulty by strained interpretations of the clauses referred to, while others, admitting that they were immoral, felt themselves obliged, notwithstanding, to support the constitution in order to avoid what they thought would be still greater evils. The American Anti-Slavery Society, of which Garrison was the president from 1843 to the day of emancipation, was during all this period the nucleus of an intense and powerful moral agitation, which was greatly valued by many of the most faithful workers in the field of politics, who respected Garrison for his fidelity to his convictions. On the other hand, he always had the highest respect for every earnest and faithful opponent of slavery, however far their special views might differ. When in 1861 the Southern states seceded from the Union and took up arms against it, he saw clearly that slavery would perish in the struggle, that the constitution would be purged of its pro-slavery clauses, and that the Union henceforth would rest upon the sure foundations of liberty, justice and equality to all men. He therefore ceased from that hour to advocate disunion, and devoted himself to the task of preparing the way for and hastening on the inevitable event. His services at this period were recognized and honoured by President Lincoln and others in authority, and the whole country knew that the agitation which made the abolition of slavery feasible and necessary was largely due to his uncompromising spirit and indomitable courage.

In 1865 at the close of the war, he declared that, slavery being abolished, his career as an abolitionist was ended. He counselled a dissolution of the American Anti-Slavery Society, insisting that it had become functus officiis, and that whatever needed

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