state of affairs, the President, in April, 1794, nominated John Jay, Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of Great Britain. By this measure an adjustment of the points in dispute between the two nations was happily effected, and the result of the mission was a treaty of peace.

This was pronounced by Mr. Jay to be the best that was attainable, and one which he believed it for the interest of the United States to accept. While this treaty was under the consideration of the Senate, a copy of it was furnished to the editor of a newspaper, in violation of the laws of that body. The publication of this document at once rekindled the smothered passions of the people, and meetings were held in all the large cities, to pronounce the treaty unworthy of acceptance and to petition the President to refuse his signature to so obnoxious an instrument. These agitations were naturally the source of much anxiety to Washington, but they did not cause him to swerve for a moment from the true path of his duty. He regretted that the treaty was so generally unpopular, but determined to ratify it, as the only alternative with war. His policy was always peace, if it can be preserved with honor. In a letter to General Knox, he observes on this subject: "Next to a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my constituents, would be the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible. But the latter being secondary, I cannot make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not party) meetings, can be discovered as the touchstone of public sentiment. If any person on earth could, or the Great Power above would,' erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as I remain a servant of the public. But as I have hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions, and close investigation, I shall adhere to them while I keep the watch."

Difficult as it was to decide upon the proper policy to be pursued towards England, it was even more embarrassing in respect to France. The attachment to the French interests was much increased by the arrival of M. Genet, the first Minister Plenipotentiary from the republic of France to the United States. Encouraged by the indications of good wishes for the success of the French revolution, this gentleman undertook to authorize the fitting and arming of vessels, enlisting men, and giving commissions to vessels to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the United States were at peace. The British minister complained against these proceedings, and the American government disapproved of them. Still, however, the people continued enthusiastic in the cause of their old allies. At civic festivals, the ensigns of France were displayed in union with those of America, the cap of liberty passed from head to head, and toasts were given expressive of the fraternity of the two nations. To preserve neutrality at such a crisis was a matter of much difficulty, but Washington resolved, at every hazard, to adhere to the principle that the United States would hold all mankind enemies in war, and friends in peace. He at length decided to request the recall of M. Genet, and soon had the satisfaction to learn that the course this gentleman had pursued was entirely disapproved by his own government.

The successors of Genet followed in his steps, but with less violence. With a view to reconcile all difficulties, Washington appointed General Pinckney, Minister Plenipotentiary to the French republic. From this mission he anticipated an adjustment of all points in dispute, but the Directory announced their haughty determination not to receive another Minister from the United States, until after a redress of grievances which the French republic had a right to expect from the American government.

Before the result of the mission was known, Washington had ceased to be President of the United States. Having served through eight years of doubt and difficulty, and having brought all the affairs of great public interest into a fair train for equitable adjustment, and being far advanced in life, he announced his intention of declining a re-election in full time for the people to fix upon a successor. His resignation was announced to the people of the United States, in an address which every true lover of his country must be willing to adopt as his political text book. The following passages speak with peculiar force to us at all periods of political and sectional excitement:

"The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in vour minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of innnite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it, accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes." "To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable.

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No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed; adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation; completely free in its principles; in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendments, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish a government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government."

"Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration I am unconscious of intentional error; I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life, dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

"Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government-the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. "UNITED STATES, September 17, 1796."

This valedictory address was received in every part of the Union with the most unbounded admiration. Shortly after its promulgation, the President met the National Legislature in the senate chamber for the last time. His address on the occasion touched upon the most important topics that were then in agitation. In the course of it he recommended the establishment of national works for manufacturing implements of defence; of an institution for the improvement of agriculture; and pointed out the advantages of a military academy, of a national university; and the necessity of augmenting the salaries of the officers of the United States. He concluded in the following words:

"The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of

the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, and Sovereign Arbiter of nations, that his providential care may still be extended to the United States; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual."

On the day preceding the termination of his office, in a letter to General Knox, he compared himself to a weary traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending his body thereon. "Although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am not without regret at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom I love. Among these, be assured, you are one.

The numerous calumnies which assailed him never but once drew forth his public notice. A volume had been published by the British, in the year 1776, consisting of letters which they attributed to General Washington. It was the object of this publication to produce impressions unfavorable to the integrity and character of the commander-in-chief. When the first edition of this forgery had been forgotten, it was republished, during his Presidency, by some citizens who differed from him in politics. On the morning of the last day of his office, Washington addressed a letter to the Secretary of State, in which he enumerated the facts and dates connected with the forgery, and declared that he had hitherto thought it unnecessary to take a formal notice of the imposition. In this letter he solemnly declared that the correspondence was entirely a base forgery, and that he never saw or heard of it till it appeared in print. He requested that his letter upon the subject should be deposited in the office of the department of state, to be a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity.

The time had now come when his own official power was to cease, and that of his successor, John Adams, was to commence. The old and new Presidents walked together to the house of representatives, where the oath of office was administered. Mr. Adams concluded his address upon the occasion, by an impressive allusion to his predecessor, in observing, that though about to retire, "his name may still be a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country." Washington rejoiced that the way was open for his return to the happiness of domestic and private life. After paying his respects to the new President, he immediately set out for Mount Vernon. He was desirous of travelling privately, but it was impossible. Wherever he passed, crowds came out to meet him and testify their respect for him. In his retirement he resumed his agricultural pursuits; and, in the society of his private friends, looked for a quiet ending to an active and anxious life. He still, however, continued interested in public affairs, and heard, with regret, the insults offered to the United States by the French Directory. These injuries at length obliged our government to adopt

vigorous measures. Congress authorized the formation of a regular army, and all eyes were turned upon Washington as its commander.

President Adams nominated Washington to the chief command of the armies of the United States, with the rank of lieutenant general. To the letter, sent with the commission to Mount Vernon, Washington replied in a letter which concluded as follows; "Feeling how incumbent it is upon every person of every description to contribute at all times to his country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when every thing we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened, I have finally determined to accept the commission of commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States; with the reserve only, that I shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances. În making this reservation, I beg it to be understood that I do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the army, which you may think I can afford. I take the liberty, also, to mention, that I must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any immediate charge upon the public; or that I can receive any emoluments annexed to the appointment, before entering into a situation to incur expense."

After the receipt of this appointment, Washington divided his time between agricultural pursuits and the organization of the army. He always thought an actual invasion of the country very improbable, but he made arrangements to repel it at the water's edge. No sooner had these warlike preparations been made, than France signified her desire for a peaceful accommodation. Mr. Adams immediately sent three envoys extraordinary to negotiate with the French republic. On repairing to France, they found the Directory overthrown, and the government in the hands of Bonaparte. With him negotiations were immediately commenced, and terminated in a peaceful arrangement of all difficulties. Washington, however, did not live to participate in the general joy which this event occasioned.

On the twelfth of December, 1799, Washington rode out in the morning to his farms. The weather soon became very cold, and there was an alternate fall of rain, hail, and snow. He did not return till past three, when he went to dinner without changing his dress. In the evening he appeared as well as usual. On the next day, there was a heavy fall of snow, which prevented him from riding out as usual. He had taken cold from his exposure the day before, and complained of having a sore throat. His hoarseness increased towards evening, but he took no remedy for it, observing, as he would never take any thing to carry off a cold, "Let it go as it came. On Saturday morning he was very seriously unwell, and a physician was sent for to bleed him. Finding that no relief was obtained from bleeding, and that he was entirely unable to swallow any thing, his attendants bathed his throat externally with sal volatile. A piece of flannel was then put round his neck, and his feet were soaked in warm water. It was impossible to procure any relief. Several physicians were immediately sent for, and various remedies resorted to without effect. Between five and six o'clock in the afternoon, his physicians came to his bedside, and Dr. Craik asked him if he would