retinue, and a year and a half were required for the journey.1 The treaty of 1689 did not secure satisfactory results, and in 1719 another ambassador, Ismailoff, was sent to Peking to secure by treaty better trade facilities. When his train reached the frontier a curious incident occurred illustrative of an oriental peculiarity. Some of the Russians had brought their wives with them. "We have women enough at Peking," the Chinese official said. Appeal was made to the emperor, many weeks were lost, and at the end the women had to be sent back. The same exclusion was observed at Canton, where no European women were admitted even to the foreign factories until just previous to the British war of 1840. A similar rule was enforced by the Japanese at the Dutch factory at Deshima. It is recorded that in the year 1817 a new president of the factory arrived, bringing with him his young wife and their new-born babe; and that it threw the whole town of Nagasaki-population, government, and all-into consternation. It was made the subject of a court council at Yedo, and the young wife was forced to return to Holland.2

On his arrival at Peking, Ismailoff was notified that he could transact no business until after his audience

1 From Moscow Overland to China, by E. Y. Ides, Ambassador from the Czar of Muscovy, translated into English, London, 1706; Journal of Russian Embassy Overland to Peking, by Adam Brand, Secretary of the Embassy, 1698; 2 Hist. China, Gutzlaff, 248; 8 Chinese Repository,

520.

2 2 Hist. China, Gutzlaff, 251; 9 Chinese Repository, 297; Narrative of Voyages, A. Delano, Boston, 1817, p. 540; A Cycle of Cathay, by W. A. P. Martin, New York, 1896, p. 20.

His

of the emperor, at which he must perform the obeisance known as the kotou or kowtow. To this he strongly objected, as derogatory of the dignity of his sovereign, and protracted discussions followed, but in the end he was forced to yield. A detailed account of his reception is given by Father Ripa, a Catholic missionary, who acted as interpreter. After describing the emperor and the gorgeous display with which he was surrounded, he says Count Ismailoff on entering the hall immediately prostrated himself before the emperor, holding up the Czar's letter with both hands. majesty "now thought proper to mortify him by making him remain some time in this particular posture. The proud Russian was indignant at this treatment, and gave unequivocal signs of resentment by certain motions of his mouth and by turning his head aside, which, under the circumstances, was very unseemly." The emperor, however, soon relieved him from his embarrassment, received the letter from him on his knees, and held some conversation with him. The narrative states that "after the presentation of the letter the ambassador, attended by the master of ceremonies, returned to his former place in the open vestibule; and behind him stood his principal attendants. When all were marshaled, at particular signals given by the master of ceremonies, they all went down on their knees, and, after the lapse of a few minutes, bent their heads thrice to the ground. After this all arose upon their feet, then again kneeled down and prostrated themselves three times. In this manner they kneeled thrice, and performed nine prostrations."

After all this abasement the ambassador was refused his treaty, but assurances were given that the caravan trade should be allowed, and that his secretary might remain at Peking as a permanent chargé. But obstacles continued to be thrown in the way of trade by the Chinese authorities, and another embassy had soon to be sent to Peking.1

In 1727 a new treaty was made between the two empires, which reëstablished the boundaries, fixed more accurately the trade relations, and provided for a permanent ecclesiastical mission. Caravans were to be dispatched every three years, and six priests and four lay members were permitted to remain at Peking to learn the language, thus furnishing interpreters and secretaries for the Russian government. This treaty continued in force for more than a century, and was only displaced by the treaty of 1858. Under it a limited trade was maintained, the traffic being mainly the exchange of furs for tea. But that was of an unsatisfactory character, being subject to frequent impediments on the part of the Chinese government. The acquisitive spirit of Russia also caused trouble on the border, and the Czar dispatched successive envoys to Peking to negotiate in respect to these matters, but they were either turned back at the frontier for refusal to make the prostrations, or failed to effect anything at the capital. An attempt was made in 1806 to open a trade at Canton by Captain Krusenstern of the

1 Travels of John Bell of Antermony, 1763; Father Ripa's Residence at the Court of Peking (Extract in U. S. Foreign Relations, 1873, p. 163); 2 Hist. China, Gutzlaff, 250.

Russian navy, but he was refused, the edict being that the trade of that nation should be confined to the overland traffic.1

The commercial supremacy of Great Britain was becoming more pronounced throughout the world during the eighteenth century, and English merchants under the East India Company were enjoying the greater share of the Chinese trade allowed through Canton, but it was conducted under the most embarrassing conditions. For this reason it was resolved that a special effort should be made at Peking to secure for British commerce freer facilities in the empire. Lord Macartney, governor-general of India, a nobleman of considerable diplomatic experience, was chosen as the head of an embassy, which was notable for its personnel and the display with which it was sought to impress the Chinese government and people. It was dispatched in a man-of-war, accompanied by two ships laden with merchandise for barter. The embassy disembarked at Tientsin, and ascended the Peiho in boats, from which the Chinese displayed flags bearing the words, "Ambassador bearing tribute from the country of England." As it passed overland from Tung-chau to Peking it presented a most striking appearance. The ambassador, his secretary, and other officers of his suite were carried in palanquins, they were followed by sixty carts conveying the escort of British soldiers and servants, with a much larger train for the private baggage,

2

1 For text of treaty of 1727, Treaties, Conventions, etc., of China, Shanghai, 1887, p. 8; 2 Hist. China, Gutzlaff, 257–264.

2 2 Hist. China, Gutzlaff, 195; Staunton's Embassy, 306.

and four hundred coolies, employed to transport the effects of the embassy and the presents to the emperor and high officials.1

It was received with the highest marks of distinction by the Chinese authorities; but when Lord Macartney met the emperor's representatives to ask for an audience, he was told that he would be required to make the prostrations observed at all ceremonies attending the audience of tribute-bearers. Much time was taken up in the discussions on this point, but finally it was agreed that the ambassador should be received by the emperor kneeling only as he delivered the king's letter. The emperor was at Jehol, an imperial hunting lodge some distance north of the Great Wall, and thither the embassy had to wend its way. When the audience was over, Lord Macartney was told that the business of his mission would be discussed with the emperor's ministers on his return to Peking. But he had scarcely arrived at the capital when he was ordered to depart and quit the country. No opportunity was afforded him to dispatch or even to discuss the business which had brought him on this long and expensive journey, and the entire embassy had been kept constantly under close surveillance during its stay. The departure was effected almost with precipitation. The author of one of the narratives of the embassy writes: "We entered Peking like paupers ; we remained in it like prisoners; and we quitted it like vagrants. The return journey was made overland to Canton, attended by high mandarins and a display of

2

1 Narrative of British Embassy, Anderson, Philadelphia, 1795, p. 128. 2 Ib. 237.