which fell into the hands of the allies revealed the fact that his conduct had been directed from Peking, and that the imperial court was responsible for his refusal to open negotiations for treaty revision or the redress of grievances. Among those documents were also found the Chinese originals of the British, American, and French treaties of 1842 and 1844, and from this fact it was inferred that they had never been sent to Peking nor their terms known to the emperor; but this was afterwards shown to be incorrect, as they had been officially published by the court.

After the fall of Canton, the allies announced a disposition to forego further hostile operations, if the Chinese government would appoint plenipotentiaries and open negotiations for a revision of the treaties. Meanwhile a Russian minister had reached Hongkong, after an unsuccessful effort to communicate with the emperor by way of the Peiho. His instructions were similar to those of the United States minister, to press negotiations upon the Chinese, but by peaceful methods only. Mr. Reed, after his cavalier treatment by Yeh, and after a brief experience in Chinese affairs, was led to the same conviction as his predecessors, - that only coercive measures would be effective in bringing the imperial government to terms. In his review of the situation to the Secretary of State he said: "I do not hesitate to say that a new policy towards China ought to be... initiated, and that the powers of Western civilization must insist on what they know to be their rights, and give up the dream of dealing with China as a power to which any ordinary rules apply." And a

month later he wrote that nothing short of an actual approach to Peking "with a decisive tone and available force" would produce a result. Referring to the peaceful attitude of the United States, he adds: "Steadfast neutrality and consistent friendship make no impression on the isolated obduracy of this empire."

In this frame of mind the American minister found no difficulty in uniting with the British and French representatives in identic notes to Peking, in which a request was made for the appointment of plenipotentiaries to meet the foreign representatives at Shanghai to negotiate for a revision of the treaties, with a notice that if such action was not taken, they would feel it their duty to approach still nearer to the capital to press their demand. The Russian minister likewise took the

same course.

Mr. Reed informed the Secretary of State that, in case of refusal to negotiate at Shanghai, the powers would jointly proceed to the mouth of the Peiho. "This," he says, "will be made the most imposing appeal that has ever been addressed by the Western powers to the sense of justice and policy of the Imperial court." He then submits for the consideration of the President "the possible alternative of a persistent and contemptuous refusal to entertain any friendly proposition to afford redress for injuries, or to revise the treaty;" and he asks to be invested with power to exercise the necessary coercion to bring the court to terms. Secretary Cass replied approving of the minister's course in joining with the powers in their representations to Peking, but he again refers to his instructions, and states that,

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although the United States has serious cause of complaint against China, it has not been thought wise to seek redress by a resort to arms. This alternative may yet be forced upon us, he says; but when the exigency comes, the President will have to ask Congress for authority, and he was not then prepared to make such request.

In accordance with their agreement the foreign envoys met at Shanghai in April, 1858, and there received the answer from Peking, denying their right to have direct communication with the court and referring them to the commissioner at Canton who had been appointed to succeed Yeh. Mr. Reed characterized this reply as similar to those given by Yeh; "the same unmeaning profession, the same dexterous sophistry; and, what is more material, the same passive resistance; the same stolid refusal to yield any point of substance." The envoys, therefore, lost no time in carrying out their resolution to proceed to the Peiho, in order to reach there early in the season.

The British and French envoys were accompanied by the fleets and forces which had participated in the warlike operations against Canton, but the American and Russian ministers went, each in a single vessel. Mr. Reed advised the Secretary that "if hostilities recommence, obeying the spirit and letter of my instructions, I shall continue a passive spectator," waiting instructions from home. He reported that the Russian minister, also, had "positive instructions to abstain strictly from any measures of hostility, except in case of extremity."

On the arrival of the envoys at the mouth of the Peiho, they found no one authorized to open negotiations, and the four ministers sent identic notes to Peking, asking for the appointment within six days of plenipotentiaries. Before the expiration of the period named, a notice was received by all the envoys that a special commissioner had been appointed by the emperor to open negotiations and that he was ready to meet them. The communications were not properly addressed, and the British and French refused to receive them, but the American minister, treating the one received by him as a clerical error, sent it back for correction, which was readily made. He and the Russian minister proceeded to open negotiations with the Chinese commissioner, but the British and French, finding that he did not possess "full powers" to make a treaty, but only to negotiate and report the result of his action to Peking, declined to treat with him. They maintained that the appointment was in line with the past policy of evasion and delay, and the documents which had been captured at Canton seemed to warrant their conclusion. At a later date, Mr. Reed, after being made fully acquainted with the tenor of these documents, said they justified the coercive policy pursued by the allies at the Peiho and Tientsin.

The commissioner's powers not being enlarged, the British and French allies decided to proceed to Tientsin and there renew their request for a commissioner with full powers. Accordingly a demand was made for the surrender of the Taku forts, at the mouth of the Peiho, in order that a secure passage might be had to Tientsin.

This demand being refused, the forts were taken by assault, after a spirited resistance, and the British and French admirals and envoys ascended the Peiho to Tientsin without further opposition. They were at once followed by the American and Russian ministers.

The imperial court, now thoroughly alarmed by the determined action of the allies, made haste to appoint commissioners bearing full authority to make and sign treaties. And the work of negotiation went on apace. With the fleets and armies of the allies in their immediate presence, and the American and Russian representatives pressing their demands, the Chinese plenipotentiaries were at last awakened to the necessity of prompt and decisive action. Within a week after the negotiations were begun the Russian treaty was signed, the American soon followed, and the British and French were concluded within three weeks.

The Chinese commissioners proposed that the negotiations be conducted in the presence of all the foreign representatives, but there were obvious objections to this method, and they were carried on separately with each minister. The British and French envoys went in great state, with large and brilliant escorts as befitted their warlike surroundings, to meet the Chinese plenipotentiaries; but the American and Russian ministers visited them only with their secretaries and a small escort of sailors. The Chinese commissioners, it is reported, were men of dignified bearing and their whole tone and deportment were very striking.

Mr. Reed was assisted in his negotiations by Dr. S. Wells Williams, who had taken so prominent a part