that this imposition is for the benefit of the despised foreigner may lead to disorder and repudiation; and repudiation will raise again the question of Chinese autonomy.

So long as race hatred controls the Chinese people the peace of the world will be in danger, as the destiny of that country is intimately connected with the interests of all the great powers of the earth; and, since the acquisition of the Philippines, not less with the United States than the most interested of other nations. The "yellow peril" has been much discussed by writers and statesmen who have studied the problems of the Far East. Since the Japanese war and the recent easy march of the allied forces to Peking, the tendency has been to decry and scout the danger. But it is scarcely an exaggeration, in presence of its history and attainments, to assert that no nation or race of ancient or modern times has stronger claim than the Chinese to be called a great people. The fact that the United States has been compelled to violate its early traditions and much vaunted principles in the exclusion of the Chinese from competition with its own people is a high testimony to their race capacity and endurance.

Wensiang, the wisest and most farseeing Chinese statesman of modern times, was accustomed to say to foreign diplomats and others who urged speedy reforms: "You are all too anxious to awake us and start us on a new road, and you will do it; but will all regret it, for, once awaking and started, we shall go fast and far, farther than you think, much faster than you want." Sir Robert Hart, who has made a

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study of Chinese character and capacity for a half century, believes that their hatred of foreigners is a real menace to the world, not in this generation, perhaps, but in the early future as the lifetime of nations is measured. Four hundred millions, sturdy and passionately devoted to their ancient customs, might in time, under the influence of an all-prevailing race hatred, be changed from a peace-loving community into a warlike people, bent upon avenging their wrongs. Sir Robert suggests only two remedies for this impending danger. The first is partition of the empire among the great powers, which he regards as full of difficulties; the second, a miraculous spread of Christianity, "a not impossible, but scarcely to be hoped for, religious triumph which would convert China into the friendliest of

But the review in this volume of the diplomatic relations of the Orient has shown that another local power is to be reckoned with in considering the Asiatic question. Japan's wonderful development in industrial affairs is even more remarkable than its display of military power. Marquis Ito in a late publication, after arraying the statistics as to his country's great increase in its mercantile marine, its manufactures, and its foreign commerce, justly claims that Japan has attained a secure position commercially, and that " she appreciates the achievements of peace as thoroughly as achievements by force of arms.' The fact that it has within the last few years advanced to the second place in the trade with China evinces its commercial activity. The

1 Sir Robert Hart's Essays, 54–55.

estimate of Japanese statesmen of the part their country is to play in world politics may be seen from the utterance of Count Okuma, former prime minister, anticipating the revision of the treaties and the triumph over China, "We should become one of the chief powers of the world, and no power could engage in any movement [in Asia] without first consulting us.” Such language hardly appears exaggerated, in view of the late treaty of alliance between Great Britain and Japan.1

The power most greatly feared by China and Japan, and the one whose vast territorial possessions in Asia entitle it to the first consideration in the affairs of that continent, is Russia. Its system of government is the antipodes of that of the United States and its repression of missions is out of harmony with the hopes of a large majority of the American people, but in their political relations the two governments have always maintained a cordial friendship, and if the principle of the "open door" is respected, there does not appear to be any reason why in Asiatic affairs they should not

so continue.

The other great power in the Pacific whose policy is of concern to the United States is Great Britain. There has been occasion in these pages to animadvert upon the conduct of its government, but it is due to it to say that, however dictatorial and aggressive has been its course towards the Eastern countries, it has reserved to itself no selfish or exclusive privileges, but

1 The Commercial Future of Japan, by Marquis Ito, N. Y. Independent, February 20, 1902; Norman's Far East, 392.

has extended to all other nations the right of trade and residence gained for its own subjects. Wherever in the Orient its authority has gone there has been introduced impartial administration of justice and honest taxation, conditions unknown under native government; and the influence of its administration is to elevate the intellectual condition and the morals of the people. With a similarity of institutions, a common origin and language, and a community of trade interest in the East, the two governments are naturally inclined to coöperation. Neither do the Americans forget that when the other European powers were indifferent or unfriendly during the war that transferred the Philippines to the United States, Great Britain alone was outspoken in its sympathy, and looked with complacency upon the enlargement of Anglo-Saxon influence in that quarter of the globe. A political alliance of the two nations in Asiatic affairs is not probable, but they are likely to be found working together to maintain that which is of vital importance to the United States, free markets in those countries.

Mr. Seward's prophecy of the growing importance of the Pacific and of America's expansion to those distant regions has become history much sooner than he or any American statesman foresaw. It has brought with it much governmental embarrassment and great responsibilities. But the hopeful citizen must believe that the system of government and the wisdom of its public men will be equal to the emergency and the responsibilities. It is a matter of pride and of confidence for the future to be assured that the conduct

and policy of the government, from the beginning of its history, in its relations with the Orient have been marked by a spirit of justice, forbearance, and magnanimity. Its early and its later intercourse with China, Japan, and Korea has been that of a friend interested for their welfare, ready to aid them in their efforts to attain an honorable place among the nations, and willing to recognize the embarrassments which attended those efforts.

With the acquisition of the Philippines, whether wisely or unwisely done, the United States has assumed towards those countries the new and additional relation of a neighbor. The enormous development of the resources of the United States and the increased necessity for foreign markets have strengthened the reasons which have controlled its policy in the past, and the proximity of its new possessions, with their millions of inhabitants, has brought it nearer than ever in sympathy to these peoples and their governments. The American Union has become an Asiatic power. It has new duties to discharge and enlarged interests to protect. But its record of a hundred years of honorable intercourse with that region will be a safe guide for the conduct of affairs. Its task will be well done if it shall aid in giving to the world a freer market, and to the inhabitants of the Orient the blessings of Christian civilization.