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"To assure his Royal Highness that we learn with the deepest regret that the seditious practices so long prevalent in some of the manufacturing districts of the country have been continued with increased activity since we were last assembled in parliament; that they have led to proceedings incompatible with the peaceful habits of the industrious classes of the community: and that a spirit is now fully manifested utterly hostile to the constitution of this kingdom, and aiming not only at the change of those political institutions which have hitherto constituted the pride and security of this country, but at the subversion of the rights of property, and of all order in society:

"To return our thanks to his Royal Highness for his gracious intention to lay before parliament the necessary informa tion on this subject; and to assure his Royal Highness, that we shall not fail to apply our immediate and most anxious attention to the consideration of such measures as may be found requisite for the counteraction and suppression of a system which, if not effectually checked, must bring confusion and ruin on the nation;

at the Opening of the Session. of the people with respect to this unfor tunate transaction. These attempts were repeated by those who had the means within reach, by publication, of giving them additional force. He was desirous that the distinction between those who opposed the government, and those who opposed the existing order of things, might be strictly defined and made known. He knew the distinction was as broad as possible; but still it was important that it should be broadly expressed; nor should it be omitted, under existing circum stances, from a wish which naturally enough might prevail of leaning to one side for the purpose of gaining strength to a party. There was another part of the speech which he felt it necessary to touch upon; the increase of the military force of the country. Now that they were at peace with foreign powers, and that there was every prospect of better times, it was greatly to be lamented that a necessity should have arisen for making any addition to the army, for the protection of the peaceable and well-disposed. If, however, they required such protection, it was the duty of government to afford it. What would be their feelings, if family, life, property, and all they held dear, were to be left in times of danger without necessary protection? Strong measures, at least for a short time, were now perhaps as necessary as at any former period; all should unite to preserve the existing order of things. This determination once made manifest, and these measures once adopted, would show the country that they were determined not to allow the mischievous plans now contemplated to proceed any further. If the exertions of the country were thus once roused, it would soon put an end to the views of the men who sought the overthrow of the constitution. He hoped the sentiments and information conveyed in the speech from the throne would have their effect, and that every thing would be done to check the diabolical system now in progress. Having said thus much, he should not trouble the House further, but should conclude by moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to return the thanks of this House to his Royal Highness for his most gracious speech from the throne:

"To express to his Royal Highness the great concern with which we receive the intimation of the continuance of his majesty's lamented indisposition.

"To thank his Royal Highness for having directed the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before us:

"To assure his Royal Highness that while we regret the necessity of providing for the protection of the lives and property of his majesty's loyal subjects by any addition to our military force, we shall be happy to find that the arrangements for this purpose have been made in the manner likely to be least burthensome to the country:

"To express our satisfaction at being informed, that though the revenue has undergone some fluctuations, it appears to be again in a course of progressive improvement:

"That we deeply lament with his Royal Highness the distress experienced by many of our fellow subjects in consequence of the depression which still continues to exist in some branches of our manufac tures, and earnestly join in the hope expressed by his Royal Highness that it may be found to arise from causes of a temporary nature:

That we hear with much satisfaction the friendly disposition of foreign powers towards this country, and gratefully acknowledge his Royal Highness's anxious wish to take advantage of this season of peace to secure and advance our in

ternal prosperity, fully sensible however that the successful prosecution of this important object must essentially depend on the preservation of domestic tranquillity:

as to impress upon the peaceable and well-disposed part of the community a well-founded apprehension as to their ulterior designs. His royal highness the Prince Regent, certainly not needlessly alarmed, but with a well-founded confi

"To assure his Royal Highness that he may rely with the most perfect confidence in the wisdom and the counsels of dence on the loyalty of the great body of the people; but that we are at the same time fully convinced, that it will require our utmost vigilance and exertion, collectively and individually, to check the dissemination of the doctrines of treason and impiety, and to impress upon the minds of all classes of his majesty's subjects, that it is from the cultivation of the principles of religion, and from a just subordination to lawful authority, that we can alone expect the continuaance of that Divine favour and protection which has hitherto been so signally experienced by this kingdom."

his parliament, has called us together at a period much earlier than of late years it has been customary, that he might be informed as to the extent of the danger, and be advised in the remedy for it. I am sure that the House will fully participate in what has fallen from my hon. friend, as to the beneficial effects this country has derived from the character and example of our excellent and venerable sovereign, and I am sure, there is not an individual in this House or in the country, who does not at the mere mention of his beloved and revered name, recur with pleasure to the many virtues that adorned his character, and to the eminent services that he rendered to his country. But, Sir, whilst we all deeply deplore the severe calamity which it has pleased Providence to visit him with, we may perhaps be allowed to

Mr. Edward Cust said:-In rising, Sir, to second the motion of my hon. friend, I feel that I have to appeal to the more than ordinary indulgence of the House, inasmuch as I now, for the very first time in my life venture to address any public as-rejoice that, it is not permitted him to sembly, much less one like the present, in which my inferiority is so evidently apparent; nor, can I hold out as an excuse for my presumption in presenting myself to their notice any hopes of recompensing them for their time and their patience by force of language or extent of information which those of my predecessors on this duty may have afforded, who have had leisure and opportunity of devoting their early years to those studies which are more essentially useful to a member of parliament; mine has been passed in a profession which did not afford me such advantages, and in the prosecution of duties not at all analogous to those which I have now taken upon myself to perform. I think, Sir, there never was a time in which it would be more fortunate that unanimity in this House should prevail, than the present. The eyes of the country, and almost of the world, are turned upon us to learn our sentiments at this momentous period, when a party, humble, it is true, in the origin and the importance of its votaries, but not at all mean, if we may judge of their proceedings, in the abilities of their leaders, whoever they are, have, by a series of the almost unwarrantable exertions of their rights, created so great a ferment in the country, and assumed a position, so formidable,

know, that his people, whom his firmness and perseverance saved in the hour of the greatest danger, when the principles which were then first broached by the French revolution were new, and the pernicious effects of them unknown, are, now that they are become matter of history and example, preparing to transfer to the page of our history the follies, as well as the eccentric crimes (as they have been called) of that great school of iniquity. I think it will scarcely be denied that a very bad and dangerous spirit exists in the country-a spirit which takes delight in browbeating our judges in their judgment seats, and in abusing all indiscriminately who are placed high by birth or situation in the country. It is no longer the echo only of that abuse which has been so lavishly levelled against every measure of every minister of the Crown for the last century, and which is likely soon to become the only perquisite of office. It now aspires to attack the Crown itself, and all who are placed in authority under it. To be a member of the aristocracy is declared to be a member of corruption, and even those of the democracy are alone pure who wear white hats, or have lungs strong enough to address a Smithfield meeting. That reform is the declared and only alleged cause of the discontents that have,

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at the Opening of the Session. for the last few years, prevailed in this kingdom is, by the discontented themselves, avowed; nor have they hesitated to acknowledge, that they will obtain it by physical force if they cannot do so by other means. This is not now the time to discuss that question; but I may perhaps be allowed to remark, that innovation, at all times hazardous, is incontestibly dangerous, when backed by threats and clamour. But I trust, Sir, we are Britons still, and not to be frightened by the open declarations of the former, nor to be bullied into compliance against our judgments by the unceasing efforts of the latter. I am not one of those who conceive that reform is, in every one's mouth, the watchword of rebellion, nor that we are to conceive ourselves upon the eve of a revolution whenever that subject is mooted; but I must say, that such wholesale attempts at improvement are more likely to be dangerous than beneficial; and a question which is so evidently directed against the prejudices which always attend existing things, merits at least more dispassionate inquiry than we seemed inclined to bring to the question; and it is but fair to ask, what advantages have we in prospect that would at all compensate for the risk we run in attempting such a change in our situation? It is not for me, Sir, to state, nor is this the opportunity to discuss what may be the measures to be proposed, to use the words of his royal highness's speech," for the counteraction and suppression of a system which, if not effectually checked, must bring confusion and ruin on the nation;" but I would say to those who profess to see in any measures, a revolution at hand from the encroachment of the Crown, if, indeed, there are men in these days who really believe this (and I must own, I can scarcely credit the public prints when they register it as the expressed opinion of a peer of the realm), to them, if they exist in the plural number, I would say, that assuredly the best plan to prevent our liberties from being encroached upon is, to quench the spirit which affords the excuse for it. It has been an opinion given in the House by an hon. and learned gentleman opposite, that the best way to effect this, is by employing sound reasoning and rational argument. To him I believe, Sir, we must leave this Herculean task; but I think the country has some reason to complain, that, as from the applause which was stated to have followed that

sentiment, it was led to believe it was the
opinion of the gentlemen with whom he
is in the habit of acting, no attempt of this
sort has been made by them, seeing that
they profess to possess the confidence of
the people. Assuredly if it is practicable
at all, it can only be employed by those
to whom the people will listen.
certainly cannot expect from them a
confession of the sad state they are fallen
into in this respect; but perhaps we shall
find the best excuse for the omission, in
the known fact, that the people will not
listen to them, unless they have a radi-
cal reformer at their elbow. That mea-
sures of some sort are necessary, will
not, I think, be denied; but the House
is not called upon by my hon. friend to
I should hope
pledge itself as to the nature and ex-
tent of those measures.
that the gentlemen opposite will refrain
from disturbing the unanimity which I
hope will attend this night's debate, by
confounding the nature of those mea-
sures with their necessity. The latter
may fairly be considered as part of the
question before the House, and whether
the former be conviction, conciliation, or
concession, can alone be fairly argued
when that matter is brought regularly be-
fore the House. I am aware that some
gentlemen who are come up from parts of
the country where the utmost tranquillity
prevails, believe the alarm that has been
spread to have been exaggerated, because
there has been no cause for it in their
own immediate neighbourhood; but I
think, upon reflection, they will be satis-
fied that there must be some other object
to be attained than a legitimate redress
of grievances, from incessant meetings of
multitudes, simultaneously assembled in
various parts of the country, not assemb-
ling at their own homes and habitations,
but marching with all the pride, pomp,
and circumstance of war, from distant
parts to their places of rendezvous. And
here the House will have the goodness to
remark, that those rendezvous were in the
heart of populous districts, not arrayed as
in prosecution of their ordinary occupa-
tion, but armed with weapons of defence,
attended with republican and revolutionary
emblems, and with banners and music in
military array, according to the common-
sense interpretation of the expression,
however lawyers may dispute the pro-
priety of it. Assuredly the well-disposed
citizens of those towns, equally alive to
the interests of the country with these

self-termed patriots, have a good claim | sumptive evidence of that, from the known upon our interference and protection, character of the gallant general who comthat they may not be interrupted in mands in the disturbed districts. Notheir daily occupations, nor be exposed to body will, I think, accuse him of being an the caprice of a mob, the temper of which alarmist; or, were he so accused, he would no one can measure. It has been main- receive an instant exculpation from the tained by some, I know, that the tranquil- mouth of every British officer or soldier lity which has attended the late meetings who has seen him before an enemy, and throughout the country, is a proof that who can nobly testify that he never knew no restrictive measures at all are neces- fear, excepting that of sacrificing his galsary; but I would implore the House not lant countrymen. It was, I presume, to be led away by such delusive appear- upon his report of the state of the district ances, nor to wait until anarchy and in which he commands, that it was consiatheism stalk openly over the land, be- dered necessary to increase the military fore it stretches forth its authority to stay force intrusted to him. This necessarily them. Yes, Sir, there has undoubtedly drained the rest of the country of troops, been an appearance of tranquillity; but it and although there was no immediate neis the tranquillity of a lion waiting for his cessity for troops in the counties where prey. There has been the apparent ab- every thing was quiet, it was impossible to sence of danger; but it is that in a fire say how soon these pedlars of sedition half smothered by the weight of its own might carry their wares of discord into the combustible materials, which is ready to most peaceable regions. But, Sir, my blaze forth again upon the least accidental hon. friend calls upon the House for no movement. It is the suspense of disaf- approbation on this point. It is resolved fected persons, partly alarmed at the mag- into the question of the seditious pracnitude of their own intentions, and partly tices, the evidences of which his royal appalled by the preparations used against highness has promised to lay before us, them. Nor will the House fail to remark and there will be a still farther opportu the specious pretext it affords them for de- nity of discussing it, when the army esticlaiming against those preparations, while mates are before the House. All that the it at the same time affords them a cloak House is called upon by my hon. friend under which they can carry on their ul- to approve is, that this object has been terior designs. But, Sir, if the meetings accomplished in the manner least burthemselves have been peaceable (and I thensome to the people. I think, Sir, it have too good an opinion of John Bull to would be unnecessarily taking up the time believe he would ever be otherwise, unless of the House to say a word upon this sub, seduced and imposed upon), what shall ject. The men who have been embodied be said of the resolutions that have ema- in consequence, have been receiving in renated from them? Take, for example, the tirement the full amount of pay, for which 6th and 7th resolutions of the late meeting they are now called upon to serve their for Middlesex, where it is openly de- country; and, dividing the question, as clared, that if parliament shall enact any the House ought in fairness to do, of the measures which are contrary to their phi- expediency of calling out any troops, and losophy, it is not to be considered a statute, the manner in which it has been provided, but an error or corruption, and ought re- I think there will be but one opinion in solutely to be holden for naught. Under the House upon the latter. It will, as Į what definition of returning tranquillity conceive, only afford pleasure to those may I ask, is such doctrine as this to be sober patriots who have determined to included? With regard to the increase of drink no excisable liquors, unless they have the military force of the country, of course been smuggled, that the revenue in the the House will receive the necessary in- last quarter has been deficient; but it formation from those whose duty it is to must give sincere pleasure to all to hear afford it of course the executive power is that it has already begun to improve. It bound to afford protection to the lives and is not, I think, at any time a fair concluproperty of his majesty's subjects. But sion for despondency that the revenue in as it is always an object of such proper any one quarter has been deficient: various constitutional jealousy to employ the mi- causes may occasion this. The result of litary upon this duty, we have a right to the whole year is the only true criterion; expect the fullest evidence of its neces- and of that his royal highness's assurances sity; but I think we have very good pre- afford a prospect; and if it is already in a