the Great. What does that signify? It points unerringly to him as a man possessing excellencies of great estimation in the eyes of a Persian. The French continue to revere the very name of Napoleon. What does that signify? It points unerringly to him as the imbodiment of certain excellencies highly valued through the French nation. We likewise honoured the father of his country while living. When dead the whole country is his monument. What does that signify? It points to him as a man who entered with all his talents, and soul, and heart, into the great movement with which America moved. In like manner, the national honours paid to Andrew Jackson, point him out as a man who lived and moved, and had his being under the influence of that spirit which pervaded his beloved country. What was the great peculiar movement in human affairs which marked the age in which he lived? The movement was towards the building up of republicanism in government. Our own country was the place where this movement produced its most permanent results. Kings had tried to plant and govern colonies in North America, but they failed in the attempt. Great corporations had tried to plant and govern colonies in North America; they too failed. Feudal nobles had tried to plant and govern colonies in North America; they too failed. The people, the masses, then came up to the work, and North America became the home of republican institutions. When Andrew Jackson was born, in 1767, this movement of the masses was here already begun. The whole country, like old ocean, moved in its lowest bed in the cause of free, democratic political organization.

This cause succeeded here. Republicanism became ingrained into the very staple and essence of our political being. It became inwrought into the whole frame-work of our national organization. The picture on the shield of Minerva was so deeply engraved that it could not be erased without destroying the shield itself. Republicanism has been so inwrought into our political and social system that it could not be plucked out without tearing to pieces the system itself. To preserve, defend, perfect, and perpetuate these republican institutions, has, from the nation's birth-day to the present hour, been the great work of North America. His share in this work crowned Andrew Jackson with all his laurels.

It would be idle to seek elsewhere for his title to a country's gratitude and praise. Other qualities, some good, others blameworthy, he possessed in common with mankind. For these his country sits not in judgment upon him. Let it not, however, be supposed that his merit is lessened by representing that it springs alone from his protection and promotion of republican institutions. For grant that the human race is advancing to a higher perfection of its nature. The establishment of democratic government, we believe to be one of the system of agencies by which the energies

It is a

and talents of the race are to be more fully developed. means of moral discipline. Andrew Jackson, therefore, by his devotion to republican institutions, was devoted to the advancement and moral elevation of mankind.

The body of the statesman and hero has been consigned

"To the dust,

His good sword to rust,

His soul is with the saints, we trust."

The heart loves to sympathise with such a man in all that relates to him. In his pleasant abode at the Hermitage he enjoyed the tranquillity of domestic life. Among neighbours he was a most neighbourly man. To all who visited him he was a most hospita

ble man.

In the latter part of his life he connected himself with the Presbyterian church in his vicinity, and acknowledged, by profession and practice, the power of religion. He seemed in the evening of life to open his eyes on more magnificent visions. He looked upon the republican institutions of his country, and saw in them not the end nor the highest good of man. He saw in them the means of more fully developing the intellectual and moral life of humanity. He saw in them the means of a higher civilization, and looking farther on he saw this higher civilization linking in with christianity, and becoming animated with the pure life of the gospel. He seemed to see what the individual and the race would become if all would drink of the pure river of the water of life, which flows from the throne of God and of the Lamb. He fixed the eye of faith upon the Redeemer of the World, looked forward to a purer state of being, and troubled not himself about the theological discovery of 1844, that there is no resurrection of the body. But full of faith, full of heavenly hope, conscious that he had lived not unto himself, he closed his eyes on the Lord's day, June the 8th, 1845. He retired like one who, having, laboured through a long toilsome day, when evening comes,

-"Wraps the drapery of his couch About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams."

EULOGY

DELIVERED AT NATCHEZ, MISS., JULY 12, 1845,

BY

DR. SAMUEL A. CARTWRIGHT.

THE ends of living having been fulfilled, our beloved Andrew Jackson, on the 8th of June last, closed his earthly career. No age will come so ignorant or unjust as not to see and own his efficient agency in promoting the honour and glory of his country. "No age will come when he will appear less than he is in the history of America.”

Born on the 15th of March, 1767, in Waxhaw Settlement, South Carolina, at the early age of thirteen, he took a part in the Revolutionary war. His life affords proof that it was a gift of Providence, being miraculously preserved until the great object of living had ceased. His death also affords a strong proof that Providence smiles on our country's benefactors. Washington and Jackson, living together in the pages of American history and in the hearts of their countrymen, are not separated in time and in eternity. To their country they live, and live for ever. Dying, they have both left the world a light. Bright examples of Christianity, united with the greatest heroism and patriotism.

Most sensibly do I feel every way unqualified to do justice, on the present occasion, to the memory of our glorious Jackson, save only in a strong and abiding love and admiration for his character; and having treasured up his noble deeds in my memory, impressed -there as their recital came warm from the hearts of some of his nearest and dearest friends. Should I dwell on those actions and achievements, which are well known to all the world, I would only be a lame imitator of what a thousand presses and a thousand orators have already proclaimed in strains far surpassing any thing I could hope to reach. Rather let it be my humbler task to call to mind those occurrences in the great hero's life which more particularly connected him with the people of Mississippi.

Natchez, and Adams county, was the theatre of a most remarkable event in General Jackson's life, worthy of particular study and remembrance in all time to come. In the year 1812, after the disasters on the Canada frontier, General Jackson hoisted the standard of liberty in his own neighbourhood, and soon had twentyfive hundred brave fellows around it. He wrote to the secretary of war, that he and his troops, were at the service of the government, and " were ready to go where duty and danger called them." The secretary ordered him to Natchez. On the 7th of January, 1813, they left Nashville in flat-boats, breaking their way through the ice, in the Cumberland, and the Ohio, and soon arrived in Natchez. He pitched his camp in this vicinity, four miles distant, on what is now Mr. M'Cullough's plantation. Here, while occupied in disciplining and drilling his troops, he received orders to disband them, and deliver every article of public property to General Wilkinson, of the regular service. He refused to obey the order, because he could not obey it without violating a higher authority, than any that mortal man can give-his moral obligations. He had pledged the faith and honour of a soldier, to his men, to their mothers, and to their wives, before he took them from home, that he would act as a father towards them, and would see them all safely back, that did not gloriously fall in the service of their country. To leave one hundred and fifty of his men on the sick list, fifty-six not able to raise their heads, and the balance of his troops, without money, or means to defray their expenses home, thus forcing them to enlist in the regular service against their will, would, he thought, be a moral delinquency on his part, which nothing could excuse.

Wilkinson tried to terrify him, and turn him from his purpose, by admonishing him of the "awful and dangerous responsibility of an officer refusing to obey the orders of his superior." But Andrew Jackson was thinking of the duty he owed to his troops, not of any personal consequences to himself. He had never been in military service before. To begin his military career, by refusing to obey the orders of the secretary of war, would, he knew, be a death-blow to his ambition, as an officer under the government; but he was more ambitious of fulfilling his promise, and keeping his word, than of trying to ingratiate himself into the good opinion of the government. Hence, in the outset of life as a military man, he fearlessly met the frowns of Wilkinson and the secretary of war, for the peace of an approving conscience. He told Wilkinson that he "had promised to take the troops back, and back he would take them, and abide the consequences." He also threatened to drum any recruiting officer out of his camp, who should come among his men to decoy any of them into the regular service, until he got them home. He was their protector, and he would not let

them be forced by their necessities to enlist. The quarter-master refused the necessary supply of wagons, to transport the sick. General Jackson gave up his own horses to them, borrowed on his own account, five thousand dollars, of a merchant in Natchez, to defray the expenses of the troops, and went on foot with the common soldier, through the wilderness to Nashville. Arrived there, he wrote to the secretary of war, that, although he had refused to obey his orders, to disband his army at Natchez, it was not from any disposition on his part to be disobedient to the higher authority; that he considered such obedience most binding, in all cases not plainly and palpably conflicting with higher, and more sacred duties, as his late order did; but that, if he would order him to Canada, he promised, not only to obey the order cheerfully, but to try and plant the banner of his country, on the British forts at Malden.

Fortunately, for us of the South, the secretary did not accept of his services. General Jackson's conduct here, in 1813, if well studied, gives the key to his whole character. What he believed

to be his first duty, he would always perform, regardless of personal consequences to himself. As it was his first duty to protect the young men entrusted to his charge, and to see them safely home, so likewise, when entrusted with the defence of this south-western country, his first duty, in his estimation, was to protect the inhabitants from the enemy. He did not believe that he was sent here to quibble, argue, or discuss, mooted points of constitutional law, or the law of nations, but to save New Orleans from seizure by the enemy, and the inhabitants from a brutal soldiery. To defend the country, was his first duty, and if, in the discharge of this high duty, he should do anything, not warranted by the constitution, or in violation of the laws, he stood ready to pay the penalty. What though Andrew Jackson suffers, is fined, or imprisoned, provided he drives back the British invaders, and rescues the women and children of the Mississippi territory, from Britain's savage ally, of the tomahawk and scalping-knife. Love of country filled his whole heart, and in bending all his energies to the defence of the people, who looked to him for protection, he seems never to have thought of Andrew Jackson. Self, and all considerations connected with self, were banished from his bosom, and his country, one, and indivisible, filled and swelled his whole soul. Acting on the principle, that he belonged to his country, and should freely risk health, fame, fortune, life, everything, in its defence, induced many persons to misunderstand the man, and to suppose, that he was acting on the principle of Cæsar, Napoleon, and other tyrants-as if the country belonged to him, and not he to the country. His submission, however, to the civil authority, when all danger was over, and his bowing, in meekness, to the decision of Judge Hall, and