The tendency of the news of the past week is to show that the military position of Austria will not be easy to deal with by either or both of her antagonists, provided there be no external interference. The commencement of such a struggle, however, furnishes, as yet, little clue to any possible issue. Prussia still enjoys the advantages gained by her promptness in seizing the resources of several of the smaller powers of Germany, whose dispositions towards her were at least equivocal. She evidently grasps them with a view to an ultimate absorption into her own social organization. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. VICTORIA, R. BY THE QUEEN.-A PROCLAMATION. Whereas we are happily at peace with all sovereigns, powers, and states; and whereas, notwithstanding our utmost exertions to preserve peace between all the sovereign powers and states now at war, hostilities have unhappily commenced between his imperial Majesty the Emperor of Austria, his Majesty the King of Prussia, his Majesty the King of Italy, and the Germanic confederation; and whereas a state of war now exists between his imperial Majesty the Emperor of Austria, his Majesty the King of Prussia, his Majesty the King of Italy, and the Germanic confederation, and between their respective subjects and others inhabiting within their countries, territories, or dominions; and whereas we are on terms of friendship and amicable intercourse with all and each of these sovereigns, and with the Germanic confederation, and with their several subjects, and others inhabiting within their countries, territories, or dominions; and whereas great numbers of our loyal subjects reside and carry on commerce, and possess property and establishments, and enjoy various rights and privilges within the dominions of each of the aforesaid sovereigns and states, protected by the faith of treaties between us and each of the aforesaid sovereigns and states; and whereas we, being desirous of preserving to our subjects the blessings of peace, which they now happily enjoy, are firmly purposed and determined to abstain altogether from taking any part, directly or indirectly, in the war now unhappily existing between the said sovereigns and states, their subjects and territories, and to remain at peace with, and to maintain a peaceful and friendly intercourse with all and with each of them, and their respective subjects, and others inhabiting within any of their countries, territories, and dominions, and to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality in the said hostilities and war unhappily existing between them; we, therefore, have thought fit, by and with the advice of our privy council, to issue this our royal proclamation. And we do hereby strictly charge and command all our loving subjects to govern themselves accordingly, and to observe a strict neutrality in and during the aforesaid hostilities and war, and to abstain from violating or contravening either the laws and statutes of the realm in this behalf, or the law of nations in relation thereto, as they will answer to the contrary at their peril. And whereas in and by a certain statute made and passed in the fifty-ninth year of his Majesty King George the Third, entitled "An act to prevent the enlisting or engagement of his Majesty's subjects to serve in a foreign service, and the fitting out or equipping, in his Majesty's dominions, vessels for warlike purposes without his Majesty's license," it is amongst other things declared and enacted as follows: "That if any person within any part of the United Kingdom, or in any part of his Majesty's dominions beyond the seas, shall, without the leave and license of his Majesty, for that purpose first had and obtained as aforesaid, equip, furnish, fit out, or arm, or attempt or endeavor to equip, furnish, fit out, or arm, or procure to be equipped, furnished, fitted out, or armed, or shall knowingly aid, assist, or be concerned in the equpping, furnishing, fitting out, or arming of any ship or vessel, with intent or in order that such ship or vessel shall be employed in the service of any foreign prince, state, or potentate, or of any foreign colony, province, or part of any province or people, or of any person or persons exercising or assuming to exercise any powers of government in or over any foreign state, colony, province, or part of any province or people, as a transport or store-ship, or with intent to cruise or commit hostilities against any prince, state, or potentate, or against the subjects or citizens of any prince, state, or potentate, or against the persons exercising, or assuming to exercise, the powers of government in any colony, province, or part of any province or country, or against the inhabitants of any foreign colony, province, or part of any province or country, with whom his Majesty shall not then be at war, or shall, within the United Kingdom, or any of his Majesty's dominions, or in any settlement, colony, territory, island, or place, belonging or subject to his Majesty, issue or deliver any commis sion for any ship or vessel, to the intent that such ship or vessel shall be employed as afore. said, every such person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, upon conviction thereof, upon any information or indictment, be punished by fine and imprisonment, or either of them, at the discretion of the court in which such offender shall be convicted; and every such ship or vessel, with the tackle, apparel, and furniture, together with all the materials, arms, ammunition, and stores, which may belong to or be on board of any such ship or vessel, shall be forfeited; and it shall be lawful for any officer of his Majesty's customs or excise, or any officer of his Majesty's navy, who is by law empowered to make seizures for any forfeiture incurred under any of the laws of customs or excise, or the laws of trade and navigation, to seize such ships and vessels aforesaid, and in such places and in such manner, in which the officers of his Majesty's customs or excise, and the offi cers of his Majesty's navy, are empowered respectively to make seizures under the laws of customs and excise, or under the laws of trade and navigation; and that every such ship and vessel, with the tackle, apparel, and furniture, together with all the materials, arms, ammunition, and stores, which may belong to, or be on board of such ship or vessel, may be prosecuted and condemned, in the like manner and in such courts as ships or vessels may be prosecuted and condemned for any breach of the laws made for the protection of the revenues of customs and excise, or of the laws of trade and navigation ;" And it is, in and by the said act, further enacted, "That if any person in any part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or in any part of his Majesty's dominions beyond the seas, without the leave and license of his Majesty for that purpose first had and obtained as aforesaid, shall, by adding to the number of the guns of such vessel, or changing those on board for other guns, or by the addition of any equipment for war, increase or aug. ment, or procure to be increased or augmented, or shall be knowingly concerned in increas ing or augmenting, the warlike force of any ship or vessel of war, or cruiser, or other armed vessel, which, at the time of her arrival in any part of the United Kingdom, or any of his Majesty's dominions, was a ship of war, cruiser, or armed vessel, in the service of any for eign prince, state, or potentate, or of any person or persons exercising, or assuming to exercise, any powers of government in or over any colony, province, or part of any province or people belonging to the subjects of any such prince, state, or potentate, or to the inhabi tants of any colony, province, or part of any province or country, under the control of any person or persons so exercising, or assuming to exercise, the powers of government, every such person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, upon being convicted thereof, upon any information or indictment, be punished by fine and imprisonment, or either of them, at the discretion of the court before which such offender shall be convicted:" Now, in order that none of our subjects may unwarily render themselves liable to the penalties imposed by the said statute, we do hereby strictly command that no person or persons whatsoever do commit any act, matted or thing whatsoever contrary to the provisions of the said statute, upon pain of the several penalties by the said statute imposed, and of our high displeasure. And we do hereby further warn and admonish all our loving subjects, and all persons whatsoever entitled to our protection, to observe towards each and all of the aforesaid sovereigns and states, their subjects and territories, and towards all belligerents whatsoever with whom we are at peace, the duties of neutrality; and to respect, in all and each of them, the exercise of those belligerent rights which we and our royal predecessors have always claimed to exercise. And we do hereby further warn all our loving subjects, and all persons whatsoever entitled to our protection, that if any of them shall presume, in contempt of this our royal procla mation, and of our high displeasure, to do any acts in derogation of their duty as subjects of a neutral sovereign, in a war between other sovereigns and states, or in violation or contravention of the law of nations in that behalf, as more especially by breaking or endeavoring to break, any blockade lawfully and actually established by or on behalf of any or either of the said sovereigns and states, by carrying officers, soldiers, despatches, arms, ammunition, military stores or materials, or any article or articles considered and deemed to be contraband of war, according to the law or modern usages of nations, for the use or service of any or either of the said sovereigns and states, that all persons so offending, together with their ships and goods, will rightfully incur, and be justly liable to, hostile capture, and to the penalties denounced by the law of natious in that behalf. And we do hereby give notice that all our subjects and persons entitled to our protection who may misconduct themselves in the premises will do so at their peril and of their own wrong; and that they will in no wise obtain any protection from us against such capture of such penalties as aforesaid, but will, on the contrary, incur our high displeasure by such misconduct. Given at our court at Windsor, this twenty-seventh day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-six, and in the thirtieth year of our reign. God save the Queen! Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. No. 1794.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 2, 1866. SIR: Your despatch of the 14th of June, No. 1217, has been received. Later advices report the virtual dissolution of the German bund. I apprehend that collision has actually occurred between Austria and Prussia. I am not surprised by the forbearance which the British government at present exhibits in regard to the war; but I shall be very much disappointed if the people of Great Britain shall permanently acquiesce in the silence of their government, and its waiting for events. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 1796.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. Department OF STATE, SIR: Your very interesting despatch of the 7th ultimo, No. 1213, relative to the effect of the proceedings of the opposition party in the British Parliament upon the measures of reform, has been received and attentively read. I thank you for the expression of your views of the prevailing sentiment in regard to this important question. I think, however, that it would be unbecoming as well as unprofitable for me to discuss the influence which the occurrence may exert upon the domestic question of reform of the suffrage and representation in England. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 1227.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. Legation of the United STATES, SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department numbered from 1782 to 1790 inclusive. The interregnum occasioned by the resignation of the ministry still continues and business remains suspended. It is understood that Lord Derby, having failed to obtain the co-operation of the section of the liberal party which occasioned the necessity of a change, has determined upon attempting to go on with his own friends only. The list of his cabinet circulating in the newspapers is believed to be substantially correct. It is obvious that this structure can last merely by sufferance of the majority in the commons, who stand without the pale. The course of Mr. Lowe and his friends is plainly to attempt to control the restoration of their own party under conditions rather than to identify themselves with their opponents; but it will, I think, prove more difficult to impose such conditions to bind the advanced section of the liberal party, than to coalesce with the other side. Hence the question may ultimately resolve itself into this: whether the conservatives will consent to merge themselves under the lead of the moderate whigs, or the latter will finally abandon their pretensions to the highest places and their ancient name. Thus far it certainly does not seem as if the amount of ability and character enlisted in this venturous enterprise could prove adequate to the task undertaken. It is possible that by avoiding every topic of a disputed nature and accelerating the day of adjournment of Parliament, this state of things may last until the reassembly in February. Much will depend upon the course of events on the continent. The Prussians now appear to be gaining the ascendant in Germany so rapidly that the interposition of the other great powers may be neces sary to save Austria from sinking too low for the general safety. In that event it will become difficult for this country to adhere to its policy of isolation. Lord Stanley is understood to be the type of that policy, and for this reason he has been selected for his particular post. But it is well known that in this he does not represent the true feeling of the party to which he belongs. Just now there is a tendency in some quarters to draw closer to the United States. It has been made visible in a few of the leading journals that lean to the conservative side. I transmit to you a copy of the Times of yesterday, which contains a leader on the national anniversary that may have significance in this connection. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 1229.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, July 6, 1866. SIR: In connection with your despatches Nos. 1788 and 1789, of the 16th of June, I have at present to observe that I have seized the earliest opportunity to cause inquiries to be made at Dublin concerning the causes of detention in the two cases therein referred to. So soon as an answer is received I shall take any further measures that may be necessary, and report to you thereon. It appears there are two persons of the name of Hynes imprisoned in Ireland, and that some confusion has arisen therefrom as well with the authorities as with myself. The one is named Thomas Hynes, who styles himself of Kansas, and the other Thomas J. Hynes, referred to in the papers connected with your No. 1788 as of Hartford, Connecticut. Inquiries had already been made in regard to the former, in consequence of letters addressed to me by him, and I regret to say they had been rather unfavorably answered. Not then knowing that there were two of the name, I rather hastily presumed that the latter was the person concerned. But this mistake has been corrected by Mr. West, and a distinct investigation entered upon. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, SIR: I have received a telegraphic despatch from Mr. West, the consul at Dublin, communicating the information that Colonel Burke and Daniel J. Mykins had been liberated. I regret to learn also that the reply in the case of Hynes is very unfavorable. Mr. West promises a full report in a despatch by the post on Monday. But as that will be too late for the bag this week, I thought it best to communicate the substance of his report to you at once. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. No. 1232.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF the United STATES, SIR: The newspapers will carry out to you by this day's steamer the intelligence of the extraordinary step taken by Austria in ceding Venetia to the Emperor of France, and the overtures made by the latter to the two powers of Prussia and Italy to procure for her an armistice preliminary to a negotiation for peace. The impression this morning is that the disposition of the victors is not favorable. A little reflection may, however, serve to convince them that neither of the three great neutral powers will look with much favor upon projects of overthrowing Austria completely. The development of this great drama which will now take place must be of the highest possible importance to the future condition of Europe, as it cannot fail to end in material changes in the relative position of the great powers. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. No. 1235.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: On Monday last the customary forms of introduction to the new secretary of foreign affairs, Lord Stanley, were gone through with by the corps. diplomatique. I have been long personally acquainted with his lordship, as we have been more or less brought together by service as trustees of the fund given by Mr. George Peabody for the benefit of the poor of London. My interview was a very brief one. His lordship in welcoming me remarked that be presumed his sentiments towards the United States had been long well known to me. He had always favored the cultivation of friendly relations with us, and it had been a cause of regret that they should have been at all endangered during the late struggle by ill-considered speeches made in Parliament, and by the ill-temper of the newspapers. I replied that if any change was to be made in the department, it was a matter of satisfaction to me that it was only to meet a personal acquaintance of whose friendly sentiments I had been long aware. For the rest I could say, on my part, that the errors of newspapers in working to stir up strife had not been |