into the committee on the Bank Restriction Bill. Sir H. Parnell was surprised at the bringing forward this subject without any formal notice. He thought it very objectionable to make fresh suspensions of the cash payments of the Bank from time to time. It impeded the return to the common currency of the kingdom, and prevented the country banks from making any preparations for this object, till they knew that a time was fixed for the Bank to resume its usual payments. After an explanation from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and a conversation on the subject between Mr. R. Smith, Mr. Grenfell, Mr. Baring, sir H. Parnell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the blank was filled up with the 25th of March next, as the day for taking off the restrictions. HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, July 7. PUBLIC THANKSGIVING.] The Lord Chancellor took the woolsack at half past eight o'clock; and soon after nine, Mr. Townshend, Windsor herald, proceeded to call over the House, commencing with Charles William ford Stewart, the youngest baron. As their lordships were called over, those who were present retired, and immediately proceeded in their carriages to St. Paul's. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, July 20. PUBLIC THANKSGIVING.] The Speaker took the chair precisely at half-past eight o'clock; and at nine, the clerk proceeded to call over the House, by counties, in alphabetical order. A great number of members were present, attired, either in court dresses, or in military or naval uniforms. As soon as the members were called over, the House proceeded to St. Paul's church, to attend the solemnity of the Public Thanksgiving. HOUSE OF LORDS. Friday, July 8. SMALL POX PREVENTION BILL.] Lord Boringdon moved, that the Report of the Small Pox Prevention Bill be received. Earl Stanhope said, that there was a standing order, with which, on this occasion, he must request the noble lord to comply. This was, that every noble lord who moved the reception of a report of a Bill that had been amended in a committee, should explain to the House the nature of the alterations that had been made, and show their co-herence to the general principle of the measure. He did not wish to take the noble lord by surprise. The noble lord was probably not prepared immediately to comply with the terms of this standing order; if so, it was in the noble lord's power to delay any further proceeding on the Bill; and if it were put off, for three months, he should be the better pleased. Lord Boringdon declared, that during his experience in that House, he had never seen the order alluded to by the noble earl acted upon. No man valued more than himself the brilliant wit and irresistible humour so frequently displayed by the noble earl, to the no small amusement and satisfaction of their lordships. But, however, the House might be delighted with the noble earl's facetiousness, he was sure they would never allow themselves to be diverted by it from those feelings of compassion in which the Bill before them originated. However, the noble earl might think he had embarrassed him by this sudden proposition, he could assure the noble earl, that if their lordships thought proper to enforce the order, the joke of the noble earl would not induce him to relax one particle of his exertions, in what he felt to be the cause of true humanity. Earl Stanhope said, that there could be no question as to the necessity on the part of the noble lord to comply with the injunctions of the standing order. Lord Boringdon accordingly read the Bill, paragraph by paragraph, and explained, as he went along, the motives by which the committee had been induced to make the alterations that appeared in it. The Report was then received, and lord Boringdon, moved that the Bill should be read a third time on Tuesday next. Earl Stanhope disclaimed any intention of being funny in the request which he had made to the noble earl to comply with the standing order. As the present attendance of their lordships was much fuller than that in the committee, he thought it but right that the noble lord should explain to the House, the nature of the alterations which had been made in the Bill. His objection to the Bill was the simplest possible, namely, that it would not carry into effect the principle of the noble lord; and that, instead of being a measure of humanity, it would, if passed into a law, prove to be one of the most troublesome, inconvenient, and mischievous, ever enacted. He would oppose it in every stage. Nothing could be more absurd, and, indeed, impossible to be executed, than the clause respecting the notices to be given of infection; and as for that clause which declared that a fit and suitable place should be provided for those infected, it would warrant any one afflicted with the small-pox to knock at the door of Holland-house, or Blenheim, and demand admittince. He moved that the Bill be rejected. Lord Boringdon observed, that the provisions of the Bill had undergone a thorough discussion in the committee, and every correction had been made in it which seemed desirable. The noble earl, who had on former occasions attempted to persuade the House that there were none so ignorant of the law as the judges, and none so ignorant of religion as the bishops, now, it seemed, wished to maintain that there were none so ignorant of medicine as the physicians of the metropolis. He had applied to the most eminent of those gentlemen in order to ascertain their opinion of the Bill; and they had unanimously declared that it would be a most beneficial measure. Lord Mulgrave said, he was inclined to vote for the rejection of the Bill. It appeared to him, with respect to the motives, to impose great hardships on individuals. And as to the compulsion which in effect, though not in declaration, it imposed on the poorer classes to inoculate with the cow-pox, if their lordships recollected how many persons of the higher order were reluctant to introduce vaccination into their families, it really must appear to them a harsh and an arbitrary measure to lay the poor under the necessity of adopting that practice. The Earl of Lauderdale was of opinion, that the notices, required by the Bill could not be given; and the Bill would give a great deal too much power to overseers of parishes. Lord Redesdale, although he thought that the Bill had been amended in the committee, still he objected to several parts of it, and particularly to the clause which prescribed, that notice of infection should be given on the succeeding morning a thing that in many cases would be utterly impracticable. His impression was, that this was not a fit subject for le- gislation. If vaccination deserved to be established, it would establish itself by its own merits; and all attempts to force it on the people would only tend to create opposition to the practice. For himself, he was inclined to believe that the legitimate cow-pox, effectually received into the system, was a complete security against various infection. He knew it was the opinion of all the people in the country in which he lived, that those who took the cow-pox from the cow itself were thus secured. But he confessed that he had frequently asked medical men whether the nature of the matter, originally vaccine, might not, and must not, be materially changed by passing through the bodies of four or five thousand human beings; and to that question he had never yet obtained a satisfactory auswer. Lord Boringdon observed, that if the House thought there would be any difficulty in giving the notices of infection in the way required in the Bill, the time might be changed for the morning but one after the discovery of the infection. His object in bringing in the Bill had been to endeavour still further to extirpate a'violent and dangerous disorder, by the substitution of a mild and safe one. the same time, as the general sentiment of their lordships seemed to be against the measure, he should have no hesitation in abandoning it. All new Bills must necessarily be imperfect; and at some future period, he might introduce one less liable to objection. At subject, that the noble and learned lord, At a The noble lord concluded by moving the second reading of the Bill. ticular office were declared by competent authority to be too large, or if the office itself were declared to be unnecessary, instead of those emoluments being dimithat change was to be attributed he knewnished, or the office being abolished at not. Was it because in the former in- the death of the holder, up started a perstances the popular opinion was expressed son to whom the reversion had been so strongly that the noble and learned lord granted, and asserted his claim. He did not choose to oppose it? Certainly the trusted that their lordships would pass the noble and learned lord could not found his Bill, which he repeated was similar to that objection on the impropriety of the pre- to which they had last year agreed. Its sent time. Peace was allowed by all to only operation would be to suspend the be the best time for reform of any descrip- granting of offices in reversion, until tion. The noble and learned lord, and February next; thus leaving sufficient those who with him had opposed every time for the consideration of an ulterior measure of reform that had been proposed and permanent measure. If their lordin parliament for the last twenty years, ships should reject it, the other House (it had grounded their opposition on the being too late in the session to originate character of the period. They had al- another Bill) would, in all probability, ways exclaimed against any alterations in think fit, as they had formerly done, to times of danger. "What!" they had address the crown on the subject. said, "would you set about repairing your moment when joy reigned throughout the house in a hurricane?" Such had been country, every one ought to exert himself the arguments formerly urged by the to contribute to the prosperity of others; noble and learned lord against reform of and that House ought eminently to distinany kind; but those arguments were now guish itself in the generous competition. without even the pretence of foundation The present was not a measure of violent But even some of those who had most reform. It was temperate, moderate, and strenuously opposed reform in general-discreet; and ought to be acceded to. even that honourable and lamented individual, a member of another house of parliament, who had fallen by the hand of a base and cowardly assassin, even that colleague of the noble and learned lord, had declared, that although he did not conceive the advantages to be derived from the measure would be at all material, he was on the whole not inclined to object to its passing. Would not the noble and learned lord go as far as that? The noble earl said, that in his opinion, the custom of granting offices in reversion ought to be entirely abolished; nothing could be more prejudicial to the state. If there was one thing more than another, that tended to the advantage and strength of a country, it was that the offices of trust in it should be ably filled. This principle, the custom of granting offices in reversion, went utterly to subvert. For even if the person to whom a reversion was granted were competent to the office at the time of the grant, the probability was, that by the time he came to be actually appointed he would be rendered by age, by infirmities, or by some other cause, wholly unfit for the situation. In a pecuniary point of view also, the practice of granting offices in reversion was extremely objectionable. If the emolument of any par The Lord Chancellor wished that the noble earl had addressed himself more to the Bill itself, and less to his opinions and conduct with respect to it. In objecting to the Bill, he simply maintained the respect which was due to that House. The noble earl had characterized him as an enemy to reform. If he meant to those measures of reform, which year after year had been proposed in parliament, he willingly acknowledged it; for nothing could be more repugnant to common sense than were most of those measures. The noble earl bad also chosen to ascribe his former acquiescence in similar bills, to his sensibility towards popular opinion. He would tell the noble earl, that if the popular opinion appeared to him to be just, he was always happy to be in favour with it; if unjust, he wished to go on as he had done during his life, without being influenced by it; and he was convinced that parliament would have heard much less of the measures of reform to which the noble earl alluded, had other people acted on the same principle. Without enquiring into the truth of the opinion, ascribed by the noble earl to that excellent man, whose untimely fate he should never cease to deplore while memory remained to him, he would say that that opinion was not his. The noble earl talked of the wisdom of the other house of parliament. It was a wonderfully wise way of legislating, truly, after their lordships had six times (five times on the second reading, and once on the third) rejected a permanent bill on this subject, to send them up annually a bill of suspension, with the evident view eventually to force the whole measure! If they were to go on year after year agreeing to such bills, the statute-book would be filled with temporary and mischievous expedients merely. Was it consistent with their lordships' dignity that that which they had so repeatedly refused to do, should be attempted by these yearly and gradual attacks? With respect to the argument derived by the noble earl from the course that would probably be adopted by the other house of parliament in the event of the rejection of the present measure, he would not condescend to answer it. If their lordships were to be induced to modify their proceedings by any such suppositions or circumstances, they had better shut the doors of the House at once. The motion was then negatived; and on the motion of the Lord Chancellor, the Bill was ordered to be read a second time on that day three months. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, July 8. LORD EXMOUTH.] On the resolution of the Committee being reported for granting an annuity of 2,000l. per annum to lord Exmouth, Mr. Croker said, he could not help taking this occasion of paying a tribute to the distinguished services of the noble lord. That noble lord had never had an opportunity of receiving the Thanks of the House for any great engagement, because the navy had before so effectually fulfilled their duty as to sweep the seas of their enemies; but in conjunction with the army in Spain, his service had been of the most meritorious nature, and had mainly contributed to the expulsion of the French from the Peninsula. Throughout the whole extent of the Mediterranean, not a ship of the enemy had been able to escape the vigilance of his cruisers; and the French in Spain had not received a single Convoy of provisions to enable them to maintain themselves longer in that country. He had blockaded in Toulon as large and fine a fleet as ever France had, with an inferior force, and had even detached squadrons from that force occa sionally to injure the enemy in other quarters; and when a part of the Toulon fleet contrived to get out to sea, it was astonishing to all to see the manner in which he ran his large three-decker close to the rocks in pursuit of it. In the ports of Genoa, Naples, Venice, and the Seven Islands, wherever his attention was requi site, whether for attack or defence, he was every where present. It was impossible to speak in too high language of the economy and management of his fleet. In that fleet, in which every thing was sent from England, his seaman-like management, his humanity and attention to the wants and comforts of the crews, were most conspicuous. Though he had under his command the largest fleet which had ever been so long absent from England, there had never before been an example of so small an expence of stores and of the health of the seamen. Five three-deckers had lately returned to this country, after many years absence, in the most perfect state, and with the proportion of persons in ill health less than in any other fleet in the ordinary course of service. While he paid a tribute to the noble lord, it was but justice to say, that he had indeed been most ably seconded. Of the two admirals next in command, namely, vice-admirals sir Sidney Smith and Freemantle, it was impossible to speak in too high terms. The conduct of the latter, at the taking of Trieste, was fresh in the recollection of the House. Mr. Fremantle, hearing a near relation of his mentioned, took the opportunity of paying a short tribute to his merit. The Resolution was then agreed to. PRINCESS OF WALES'S ANNUITY.] Mr. Brogden brought up the Report of the Committee of the whole House on the grant of 50,000l. per annum to her royal highness the Princess of Wales. Lord Castlereagh rose to call the attention of the House to the Letter to the chair from her royal highness the Princess of Wales, in which she was pleased to intimate to the House, that it would be more satisfactory to her if the vote of the committee of 50,000l. was reduced to 35,000l. per annum. It was certainly his duty to conform to whatever was most spirit of her Royal Highness's wishes on the subject. If parliament, however, thought proper on this occasion to relax, and to agree to the diminution of what it had voted as an act of justice, he hoped that no persons would be allowed, on that account, at any future period, to revive in that House discussions connected with the royal family-discussions which were painful to every person in the country who felt a proper respect for the royal dignity, and could not be sufficiently deplored by every person in the House. If they now receded from what they were pleased to vote to her Royal Highness as an act of justice, he hoped they would not again hear the question of an act of justice revived. He trusted it would now be considered that every disposition had been shewn to make every arrangement in this case consistent with her Royal Highnesses comfort; and that parliament would be relieved from all future application on her behalf. If there were any individual who could give the House fuller information of her Royal Highness's sentiments, he could wish him to lay such information before them. He understood the letter to the chair came by the hands of an hon. gentleman opposite. Both letters, that to himself, and the one to the chair, were of the same date, the 5th instant; but the former being more general, he should feel no hesitation, if he received the assurance of the hon. gentleman oppo site, that in so doing he was fulfilling the wishes of her Royal Highness, in moving, that the vote of 50,000l. a year to the Princess of Wales be reduced to 35,000l. acceptable to her Royal Highness. He merely wished at present to state what were the considerations which had influenced his conduct on this occasion. He should not have thought of submitting the proposition which he made to the House, if he had not previously apprised her Royal Highness of the measure which he had in contemplation. On the evening of the day on which he had laid the papers connected with this subject before the House, he made a communication to her Royal Highness of these papers, and of the course of proceeding which he meant to follow. He was honoured with a reply from her Royal Highness, stating her willingness to accept the grant offered her, because it was not clogged with any conditions derogatory to her rights or her honour, and was not an act of grace or favour on the part of the crown, but one of mere right and justice. Thus he had had every reason to consider this provision as having been accepted by her Royal Highness, being as she was pleased to state it, not an act of grace or favour, but of justice. On the evening when the vote took place, he informed her that in a day or two he hoped to be able to lay the Bill before her, and that no regulations should be inserted in it of a nature differing in any degree from the regulations in the resolution of the Committee, and that as she was possessed of those regulations, she could judge whether they were not in every respect conformable to her wishes. He afterwards transmitted to her Royal Highness a copy of the Bill, framed in conformity with the actual vote which had taken place. He had been honoured with a reply, in which her Royal Highness still intimated that she accepted of the provision, and again stated that she considered it not in the light of an act of grace or favour, but an act of justice. Now, what he wanted at present was to be assured of what her Royal Highness's wishes really were; because, if this renunciation of part of the sum voted to her was the spontaneous wish of her Royal Highness, he would feel himself precluded on a principle of public duty from voting any part of the public money to a subject who was not inclined to receive it. He must conceive, that the letter to the chair was more conclusive on that subject than the one to himself; because, while the letter he had received wascouched in general terms, the other was specific. In following his present intention, therefore, he conceived himself to be acting in the Mr. Whitbread said, he had to complain of the noble lord for putting an interpretation on the conduct of himself and his friends, as if they had been the agitators of the questions in that House regarding the Princess of Wales. This was a construction, the justice of which he for one would always strenuously deny. The noble lord had correctly enough stated the communication which had taken place between her Royal Highness and himself. When the noble lord, on presenting the papers, relating to her Royal Highness, to the House, was first asked, if he had made any communication of those papers and of bis intentions, the noble lord answered that measures had been taken for making that communication. The noble lord did communicate the papers, and in the letter to her Royal Highness, he informed her that he had made a communication of them to the House, and that it was his intention on F |