dated November 29, 1813, and signed by 36 magistrates of the county of Westmeath, stating that the most daring outrages were committed in open day, and that assassinations were perpetrated at the places of worship, and in the face of a large congregation, without the slightest resistance. The same memorial declared the laws, as they existed, to be insufficient to prevent these atrocities, and suggested the expediency of the Insurrection Act of the 47th of the King. This was followed by a series of resolutions, passed at the Lent assizes, in March last, by which the contents of the memorial was confirmed, and the revival of the Insurrection Act again urged. There was another letter, dated the 27th of June last, reciting other acts of outrage, and representing the inadequacy of the law. To these were added a variety of other letters, of late date, all stating, in the most unequivocal terms, the excesses which were every where com sion, representing that the Carders were in constant activity throughout the county of Westmeath, and kept the unfortunate inhabitants (whose offence was perhaps no more than by their industry being able to give a higher rent to their landlords than others, their loyalty, or their refusal to join these lawless bands) in unceasing apprehension of assassination, or having their little cabins burnt over their heads. In addition to these facts, he had a letter from Mr. Wilkes, of Stoke's town, stating, that a band of these miscreants had broken into the house of a poor man, and carded both himself, his wife, and his two daughters, in the most dreadful manner. The operation of carding, he had already stated, to be performed with a wool card, with which the flesh was literally torn from the bones of the unfortunate creatures who happened to be exposed to the torture. These atrocities, too, were not committed by one particular sect against another, for Protestants and Catholics were alike ex-mitted; and pointing out the necessity of posed to them; and, in a letter from Westmeath, it appeared, that a considerable number of Roman Catholics had been served in this manner. In addition, however, to the prevention of these monstrous outrages, there was another motive equally strong, which operated as a ground for agreeing to the motion with which he should conclude, and that was, the fatal blow which would be given to the morals of the people of Ireland, if such practices were allowed longer to exist, without the most severe punishment. Ireland had frequently been the scene of similar combinations and disorders. In 1763, there existed the White Boys-then came the Hearts of Oak-these were followed by the Hearts of Steel-and these again by the Defenders, the Caravats, the Carders, the Shanavats, and the Thrashers, all of whom had been guilty of great excesses, but none had exceeded in atrocity the combinations which now existed. He did not conceive that it was necessary, in calling upon the House to revive the Insurrection Act, to shew that any conspiracy existed dangerous to the safety of the government; it was sufficient that several districts were in a state of disturbance, and that the laws, which were in force, were inadequate to the preservation of the public peace. He apprehended he had already given evidence sufficient of these facts; but if it was necessary, he could refer to other proofs of a nature equally satisfactory, He had in his hand a memorial affording protection to the unfortunate inhabitants, against the lawless attacks of the banditti by which the country was infested. The right hon. gentleman, in conclusion, observed, that he was per suaded these combinations had not arisen from any political feeling; but lest the floating masses of disaffection, which were dispersed in different parts of the country, should be collected by some able hand, he considered it highly important that a strong measure should be immediately adopted, so as at once to stem those disorderly propensities, which, from not being properly resisted, would gain addi tional strength every day. The right hon. gentleman then moved, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill to provide for the preserving and restoring of peace in such parts of Ireland as may at any time be disturbed by seditious persons entering into unlawful combinations or conspiracies." Mr. Abercromby said, he was far from accusing the Irish government of a desire to grasp at too much power, but he thought they had not asked for this increased proof of the confidence of parlia ment in a parliamentary manner. The nature and extent of the evil should have been made known to the House, that it might in its wisdom apply the proper remedy. The best and most correct manner of proceeding was to refer the proper documents to a select or secret committee, to which there could, in the present case, be no objection. The measure in 1807 had not gone through this form; but this was, he believed, because the Bill having been prepared by one administration and adopted by another, universal concurrence had been anticipated. He had then voted against that measure, though prepared by those in whom, on other subjects, he should have most confided. He hoped, if it was thought absolutely necessary, to pass the measure speedily, that at least it would be only of short duration, that on its renewal, an enquiry, though now omitted, might be instituted. Lord Castlereagh said, that he was adverse to the idea of a message from the crown upon this occasion, because it would give too much consequence in the eyes of Europe to a conspiracy, which was not at all of such a political or for midable character as that which some years since had unfortunately degraded our history, although it gave birth to disturbances so dangerous as to personal security and personal property, in certain districts in Ireland, as to render necessary the measure proposed by his right hon. friend. As to the proposition of a committee of enquiry, he could not see the necessity of such a proceeding, as the disturbances alluded to were so notorious as to be admitted on all sides. Indeed, their notoriety could not be disputed, and it would be recollected, that in consequence of this notoriety several gentlemen had, when, another Bill for preserving the peace of Ireland was under discussion, called upon his right hon. friend to bring forward a stronger measure with a view to that object. With respect to the execution of this measure, he thought, that from the conduct and character of the Irish government, no doubt could be entertained of its forbearance and moderation upon that point. Sir H. Parnell said, that in common, he believed, with every representative of the sister country, it would have been more agreeable to him, if the state of Ireland had been discussed in a committee, before the present measure was introduced. It would have been much better had the Bill come before them, founded on, and sup. ported by, the deliberations of a committee, instead of being introduced so precipitately; because, from the mode of proceeding now adopted, it might go forth, that the House had acted, on the spur of the occasion, from a strong and general feeling of the disturbed state of Ireland. The system of referring subjects of this nature, in the first instance, to a committee, had been almost uniformly acted upon hitherto. Thus, when the manu facturing districts of this country were disturbed, the subject was canvassed in a committee, before any Bill was introduced and the very same course was taken, with reference to the first Bill brought into parliament, after the Union, for the purpose of securing the tranquillity of Ireland. The letters which the right hon. gentleman had referred to, were, he was convinced, perfectly worthy of credence; but still, he conceived, they ought to have been laid before a committee. He had himself remained in Ireland till the latter end of April, and at that period, much insubordination certainly existed. With respect to the county which he had the honour of representing, when its local situation was considered, it was not difficult to assign a reason for any disturbances that might have occurred there. That county was in part bounded by Tipperary and in part by Kilkenny; and, he believed, that, in every case where an outrage was committed, it was perpetrated by the inhabitants of the neighbouring counties; more particularly by those of Kilkenny, who, for that purpose, entered the Queen's county. He was, however, ready to allow that the inhabitants of that county, in consequence of the introduction amongst them of an illegal oath, were no longer so peaceable as they had been. From the disturbed state of the country, and from the difficulty of procuring information, it appeared to him necessary that the magistrates, for the purpose of enforcing the laws, should be armed with additional authority; but he was not friendly to a sys tem which did away with the necessity of a jury. Magistrates might, he thought, be allowed to punish to a certain extent, but not without the intervention of a jury. He was extremely happy to find that the right hon. gentleman did not attribute these disturbances to any political motives; those by whom they were fomented, he believed, were of the lowest class, both with respect to education and property. He did not suppose that the most wealthy amongst them were possessed of more than 30l. or 40l. per annum. Sir F. Flood expressed his perfect ap. probation of the measure proposed, particularly as it was meant that the Bill should state that certain parts of Ireland ticularly in his own county, a great many wealthy Roman Catholics, who absolutely shuddered at the mention of that abominable board. It appeared to him that the population of different districts in Ireland were not in their senses, and he highly approved of the intended measure, which he doubted not, would tend to restore them to a state of sanity. Indeed he could not imagine that any gentleman would think of opposing a bill which had for its object to make the lower orders of people in Ireland go to bed at sun-set, the proper time at which every honest, industrious man, whose business rendered it necessary for him to rise early in the morning, ought to retire to rest. Mr. Spencer highly approved of the intended Bill, and observed, that if prompt and vigorous measures had been long since resorted to, Ireland would not have been disgraced by the disturbances which now predominated there. General Harvey said, that being in the command of a part of his Majesty's forces in Ireland, he had, on many occasions, witnessed the necessity of a measure, similar to that now about to be proposed. only were in a disturbed situation. He was no less friendly to the principle of the Bill recently introduced by the right hon. gentleman, although he had conceived it necessary to oppose particular clauses contained in it. He was of opinion that the notoriety of a fact was; in many in stances, a fair ground for parliamentary proceeding; and with this feeling, he thought it would be most dangerous to put it off till next session, for the purpose of referring the business to a committee, what he considered to be a measure of caution and mercy to the people of Ireland. This measure, he contended, would give notice to the deluded inhabitants of the disturbed districts, of the inevitable consequences which would ensue from a perseverance in their disorderly conduct. With respect to the county of Wexford, which he represented, he was bound to observe, that it was in a most tranquil state: but this observation undoubtedly, would not apply to Kilkenny or Tipperary; in these counties, it was absolutely necessary that extraordinary powers should be placed in the hands of the magistrates, for the purpose of enabling them to carry the laws into effect, and to preserve the peace of the country, which must be dear to every friend to the prosperity of the British empire, The Bill about to be introduced was by no means a novel one. It was, in fact, little more than the revival of a measure which, at a former period, had effected much good in the county he had the honour of representing. The obnoxious title of the bill to which he alluded, was, however, removed; and the new measure would appear, not as one intended to put down sedition and insurrection, but merely to quell local disturbances. Many of the acts of the present government of Ireland deserved the highest praise; and none more so than their firmness in putting down the Catholic board-that junto, who professed, falsely, to be the friends of the Catholic body, and who manifested that friendship by endeavouring to make the population of Ireland enemies to Great Britain. Of whom he should be glad to know did that board consist, which pretended to regulate the interests of the Catholics of Ireland? It was conconstituted of a few professional men, who were eternally employed in blowing up the coals of discontent; and, who exerted the utmost of their power, to set the country in a flame. There were few men of property amongst them. He knew par Mr. Fitzgerald, in answer to what had fallen from sir H. Parnell, observed, that the almost utter impossibility of procuring information in Ireland, on which an offender could be convicted, rendered it necessary to adopt those measures, of which the hon. baronet complained, as interfering with the trial by jury. One of the great evils against which the Bill was meant to provide, arose from the difficulty of getting persons to, come forward and give evidence. It was most unfortunate, that the trial by jury, in those parts of Ireland which were disturbed, could not be acted on, beneficially for the peace of the country, because information could not be obtained against those who violated the laws. It had been urged, as an argument against the introduction of this measure, that it was nothing more than the renewal of the Insurrection Bill, which had produced very little effect. This, however, was a mistake. The Insurrection Bill had produced a very powerful and extensive effect in Ireland; the very name of it had operated beneficially. ther those who fomented the disturbances possessed great or little property, was not a matter for the consideration of the House. They had only to decide, whether, under existing circumstances, they would arm government with extraordinary Whe powers; and, when they recollected the mildness and forbearance which marked the course of proceedings adopted by the Irish government, he had no doubt that they would invest them with that autho rity which was now called for. Lord Jocelyn gave his most unqualified assent to the measure of the right hon. gentleman; which he was of opinion, would tend to introduce, amongst all classes of society in Ireland, that cordial unanimity, so necessary to the welfare of the country. After what the right hon. gentleman had stated, be thought not an hour should be lost in restoring the tranquillity of Ireland. Mr. D. Browne said, he was not present when the Bill, lately introduced by the right hon. gentleman, for preserving the peace of Ireland, was read a second time. He had, however, heard the constitutional speech of the right hon. gentleman when he proposed that Bill; and he would be most happy in giving his utmost support to any measure founded on the same wise and liberal principles. Sir. N. Colthurst, while he lamented the cause which rendered the proposed measure necessary, approved of it in the highest degree. He was, at the same time, happy to state, that that part of Ireland which he represented (Cork) was perfectly tranquil. Leave was then given to bring in the Bill. HOUSE OF LORDS. Monday, July, 11. SLAVE TRADE.] Lords Dundas, Erskine, Buckinghamshire, and Sidmouth, presented a variety of Petitions against the Slave Trade, which were laid on the table. Earl Stanhope said, that he had an immense number of petitions to present against the Slave Trade; and expressed his wish that more of the ministers had been present, that they might see the interest with which the public took in the subject, and be thereby induced to pay every possible attention to the wishes of the two Houses of Parliament, and of the nation. The Lord Chancellor said, that all the ministers would no doubt hear of the noble lord's petitions; and he assured him that they had already felt every disposition to consult the wishes of the two Houses of Parliament, and of the public, on this subject. The Petitions were then presented to the number of about 30 or 40, and laid on the table. Lord Holland concurred in his noble friend's observation; and rejoiced at the spirit manifested by the country on the subject of the Slave Trade, and was satisfied that the efforts of the abolitionists, if persevered in, would be attended with Success. He had not, indeed, altered his opinion. He was convinced that the best opportunity of extinguishing this nefarious traffic had been lost, and lost through the indifference of the negociators. Such was the impression produced in his mind by the article in the Treaty, and it had been confirmed by rumours, and the manner in which all disclosure of the ne gociations had been resisted; but, yet, the public voice, if loudly raised, would compel the ministers to exert themselves, and if they had not an opportunity so obviously favourable for enforcing the wishes of the country, they had yet a fair pros pect of success if they chose to improve it. Austria, Prussia, and more particularly Russia, were said to be not only willing, but earnest and eager to procure the recognition of the illegality and injustice of the Slave Trade, of putting a final stop to this traffic in human misery and blood. He and some others might think that they should have insisted on France acceding to the abolition. They had, however, lost the opportunity of dictating laws on such a subject, and some might ques tion the right, others the prudence of doing so; but on one topic there could be no difference of opinion. Those who held the independence of nations the highest, had never said that the exclusion of any country's productions was a violation of its independence. Let the great powers of the North and of Germany exclude from their ports all colonial produce from states that had not abolished the Trade. If they were sincere they would do so; and if they did, the interests (if unfortunately any interests were held dearer than those of honour and of justice,) as well as the humanity and justice of France, and still more of Portugal and Spain, would lead them to agree to the abolition. Portugal and Spain drew more produce from their' colonies than they could consume. they could not export their produce, it would not be worth their while to desolate Africa and outrage human nature to increase their productions. We could urge this policy with the better grace, now Hol If land had acceded to the abolition, because we could no longer expose ourselves to the imputation or suspicion of having our commercial interests or monopoly in view, when so extensive and commercial a colonial power was to share it with us. Lord Holland praised the conduct of the government in Holland in very strong terms, and said he was highly gratified, and not surprised at finding at the foot of that instrument of mercy and justice, that monument of the true wisdom and magnanimity of the Dutch government, the name of Mr. Falck, for it was not the mere partiality of a friendship (of which, however, he was proud) which induced him to declare, that he knew no man in any country more capable of judging what was right, and none more inflexibly determined to pursue it than that gentleman. He was, indeed, well worthy of being distinguished for his patriotism, zeal, and talents, even in his country, fertile as it had been from the cradle of its libertiesand, indeed, at all times in great and splendid characters. He thought, that Holland would co-operate with us in urging all the powers inimical to the Trade, to exclude the colonial productions of those who continued to be guilty of it. The interests of France were not so much concerned in the continuance of the Trade as tion of the Trade could not be accomplished, some sacrifices of territory or money might recover Senegal; it was a possession of little value to France. The abolition had been more complete there than elsewhere, and had been productive of the best effects. A person, in authority, had written from thence to say, that the face of the country was gradually improving; but that, if the colony was ceded to a slave-trading power, not less than 20,000 victims would be hurried, in the first year, from their homes, and conveyed in the holds of slave ships to misery and degra dation. Yet, formerly, not above a tenth of that number was exported from the same coast annually-a proof of the improvement which three or four years suspension of the Trade had produced, and a proof, too, of the havoc and destruction its renewal would occasion. Lord Holland then presented his Petitions, which were ordered to be laid on the table. CONGRESS AT VIENNA.] Lord Holland seeing a noble lord now in his place wished to put a question to him on the subject of the approaching Congress. The noble lord would not suspect him of a wish to obtain information on those points which could not, with any regard to propriety, be at present made public. He found in the Treaty of Peace the following words : had been represented. She had many demands for her capital, and no difficulty in employing it, if she had any. She" Within two months all the powers, who might want capital, but she hardly required more trades or speculations, than she had wherein to embark it. There never was a time-there never would be a time, when she could abolish the Trade with less hardship to individuals, with less inconvenience to her subjects or herself. He thought, after Spain and Portugal owed, as they did, their very existence to Great Britain, we might, without any violation of their rights, assume a higher tone with them, and insist upon their agreeing to respect the happiness of Africa, in return for our having secured theirs. Of Spain, indeed, if the heart-breaking reports he had heard were true, little good, in principle or conduct, was to be expected; for it was said, that the king of that country was employed in arresting and persecuting those to whom he owed his kingdom and his liberty-a conduct at which not only the friends of freedom, but the moral sense of mankind must revolt with horror and disgust. Lord Holland added, that even if the total aboli( VOL. XXVIII.`) have been engaged on either side, in the present war, shall send plenipotentiaries to Vienna, to regulate, in a general Congress, the arrangements necessary to complete the stipulations of the present Treaty." Now, he wished to know from ministers what powers were considered as coming under this description? If independent states were meant, then all powers, who were independent at the breaking out of the war between England and France, were invited to this general Congress. He took into his view a number of principalities and states formerly existing in Europe, but in a particular manner the republic of Genoa, because it had surrendered to his Majesty's arms, and because we were, therefore, more peculiarly called on to attend to that than any of the others. understood, that after surrendering, the people of the town received, from lord William Bentinck, an assurance, that they would be re-instated in their ancient rights and privileges; and that a proclamation was issued, re-establishing, as far as possible (2 U) He |