into a law, that he should find it his duty next session to expose facts which, in the hope that the Bill would have passed without opposition, he had hitherto kept back. The motion was agreed to.

accuracy.

The Petition was then read. It stated, that immediately after the arrival of the petitioner in Canada, he was called upon by general Gore, to concur in his official capacity, in the prosecution of a system of measures against which his judgment and feelings revolted. He found very soon, that spies were scattered through the colony, to disturb the harmony and social confidence of the inhabitants; that the sanctity of the Post-office had been violated; that the best English subjects in the colony were oppressed; that the revenue was impaired; and that the people of Canada had been thus kept in a feverish disturbed state, without any apparent cause; without any rational ground -and that the petitioner's situation was, through such circumstances, rendered peculiarly uncomfortable, the more so, because general Gore, in consequence of the petitioner's refusal to co-operate in his views, endeavoured, by every possible expedient, to annoy him. Petitioner concluded with stating, that feeling his situation under general Gore quite intolerable, he resigned his official employment, and returned to England: and pledging himself to prove the truth of his allegations. -The Petition was ordered to lie on the table.

MAD-HOUSES.] Mr. Rose moved, that there be laid before the House, an account of the number of houses in the kingdom, appropriated for the reception of Lunatics under the act of the 14th of the King, mentioning the parish in which they are situated, together with the names of the persons who keep them. He stated, that it was his intention early in the next session, to move for a committee to inquire into the state of the Mad-houses in the kingdom. When this was done he was convinced that it would appear that the necessity for such a measure, as that which he had some time ago proposed to the house, would appear urgent. He was so firmly convinced of the propriety of hav

SIR GEORGE BARLOW.] Mr. Marsh gave notice, that early in next session, he would move for the institution of an enquiry into the conduct of sir George Barlow, in the government of Madras. This motion, the hon. member said, it was his intention to have brought forward in the present sessions, if sir George had arrived in due time, but from the consideration of that gentleman's absence, and in deference to the opinion of others whom he had consulted, he was induced to postpone his purpose. The subject-matter of his motion, the hon. member described to refer to the improper interference of sir G. Barlow, in certain prosecutions instituted before the proper tribunal at Madras, against persons charged with fraud, forgery, and conspiracy, with respect to the debts of the nabob of the Carnatic. This tribunal was known to be wholly independent of the controul of the local government. Yet sir G. Barlow thought proper to interpose with it, and in consequence of his objection to the prosecutions alluded to, endeavoured, by all the means in his power, to annoy and persecute every person concerned in promoting or conducting them. One of these persons had, therefore, been sent by sir George Barlow, from a lucra tive situation at Madras, to a distant and unwholesome settlement-so unwholesome indeed, as to be fatal to the health of that officer. Sir G. Barlow had also acted improperly towards another gentleman, Mr. Thomas Parry.

Mr. Wrottesley here rose to order, observing that the hon. gentleman was not only exceeding the usual limits of a notice of a motion, but making accusations which could not be answered for a considerable time, and against a gentleman who was not present to defend himself.

Mr. Marsh declared, that his only ob. ject was fully and fairly to explain the points to which his motion would refer, and this explanation he thought the more necessary, as so many parts of the administration of sir G. Barlow were also complained of. He therefore conceived that he was acting with candour towards the accused, while he disclaimed any intention of trespassing upon the order of the

House, and was decidedly averse to any violation of the principles of justice. He then moved that copies should be laid before the House of the memorials presented

Bill,

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Thursday, July 28.

Mr. Tierney suggested, that in fairness the other side should also have an opportunity of calling for papers on this subject, observing, that if the motion of the hon. gentleman were acceded to, an ex parte statement would go forth, which might interfere with the merits of the case, and at a period, too, when no answer could be duly promulgated.

The Speaker observed, that it could not be necessary to move for papers already before the House, and therefore he suggested to the hon. gentleman the propriety of re-considering his motion, with a view to select the documents for which it might be necessary for his object to move.

Mr. Marsh said, that in compliance with this suggestion, he should postpone his motion until Friday: but upon some observations from Mr. Wynn, the hon. gentleman agreed to postpone his motion until next session.

MR. MALLISON'S INVENTION.] Sir F. Burdett, after some observations upon what he understood from good authority to be an unfounded statement on the part of gentlemen on the other side, respecting the impracticability of producing a return of the lives lost in our navy through the upsetting of boats, &c. gave notice of a motion for to-morrow upon this subject, with a view to shew how many persons had been lost since the rejection of Mr. Mallison's plan for saving the lives of our seamen, which plan was recommended by the report of a committee of that House. The gentlemen who could have so deceived the House, respecting the returns alluded to, appeared to him to deserye serious

Earl Stanhope said, that he had objections of a general nature to the Bill, and especially to those strange clauses which took from the subject the protection, afforded by a trial by jury, and subjected a man to transportation at the will of a new jurisdiction, if he or any of his family happened to be from home after sun-set. These clauses, he contended, would put an end to the most innocent social intercourse. He was, however, too well versed in parliamentary matters to hope to do any good by proposing an alteration on these subjects; but he could not see why even in the view of those who supported the Bill, the end of the next session would not be a term sufficiently extended, to answer all purposes, for if their lordships were inclined to do their duty they might next session, by the taking off oppressive taxes and abolishing other grievances, bring the people of Ireland into a state of good humour. One of the worst grievances was, that an under tenant was subject to be distrained, not only for the rent due by him to the tenant immediately above him, but for all the rent due from all the intermediate tenants to those above them, or to the original landlord. His lordship concluded, by proposing an amendment, that the Bill should expire at the end of the next session of parliament, instead of at the end of three years.

The Earl of Liverpool said, that the term of three years, was that which stood in the former Bill of the same nature: It would be easy, if it was necessary, to propose a repeal of the Bill before the expiration of that term; and it did not follow, that because the Bill existed, the provisions of it would be carried into effect. Indeed, he hoped, that would not be necessary. As to what the noble earl had said about repealing taxes, and redressing grievances, it did not apply to Ireland. There was no country more lightly pressed on by taxes, or where the government was more popular. The evils originated in the customs and disposition of the people-in the state of property and opinion. If the laws or administration had been bad, a remedy might be applied; but habits it was not in the power of parliament to change.

He

Earl Stanhope adduced, as an instance of a grievance, which could be put an end to by law, the distress of under-tenants for the rent due by their over-tenants, which he had before mentioned.

Lord Redesdale said, that the law was the same in that respect as the law of this country, although, as applied to the state of property in Ireland, it was one of the causes of discontent. But such were the contracts of the parties, and it would be improper and unjust to alter them. His lordship then enumerated several other causes of discontent and disturbance in Ireland. Those of the peasantry, who were of Irish blood, had often a notion that the lands which they rented ought to have been their own. The property had, according to their ideas, before the arrival of Strongbow, been divided among them by clans. If a man was of the name of the clan supposed formerly to have possessed the property, he fancied that part of it belonged of right to him. Persons took long leases, sometimes renewable for ever, and then sublet the lands. It hap pened often that a man let lands to others to the extent of 12 or 1,300l. a year; and that he himself paid to his superiors 1,000l. of these rents; and thus, a man of 2001. or 300l. a year there, had all the influence among the inferior classes, that here belonged to a man of 12 or 1,300l. a year income. This was another source of discontent and disturbance. The actual cultivators of the ground were not farmers of large capital, as here; but the farms were small possessions divided among a number of poor people, whose condition was but little superior to that of common day-labourers here. There was a disinclination in Ireland to labour for others; and a man there would much rather rent an acre for himself, and do with it as well as he could, than labour for another. Those who would be in the class of farmers here, who had long leases of lands which they sublet to others, were always desirous there of being considered as belonging to what had been called the Squirearchy of the country. This unfortunate distribution of property, together with the notions of the Irish peasants as to their title to the property of the land, enabled mischievous people to work on the pas sions of the lower orders to the worst of purposes. A great number of the owners of property in Ireland, did not reside there, a circumstance which was attended with

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able of those who did reside, were not so much disposed, perhaps, as was desirable to execute the duties of magistrates; and the consequence was, that the duties were often entrusted to persons not in such prominent and respectable situations in life as those in which the magistrates of this country generally were. He hoped he should be pardoned for stating it, but the higher orders did not do their duties with so much of that patriotism which, he conceived, would be proper and becoming: not, that he meant to say that the higher orders in Ireland did not feel as patriotically as any men, but that, merely from mistaken views, they did not act with so much zeal, as in his opinion, they ought to do. The cure for the evil would be the introduction of riches, and a change of habits. The property would then be managed in this country, and these disturbances would be at an end. But in the mean time it was of the last-importance, that the laws there should be put in execution, that the King's writ should run every where without opposition. He had taken care that it should, when he was there, as far as the law was under his controul. He had done things which had been considered as impossible: but per severance and spirit would do a great deal. At present, the disturbed state of Ireland prevented respectable farmers, like those in this country, from residing there, and diminished the value of property. The preservation of the peace of Ireland was therefore necessary even to the future improvement of that country. Improvement now was advancing rapidly there, and it was the duty of the legislature to take care that its progress should not be checked, but encouraged: but no direct act of legislation could cure the evil.

Earl Stanhope contended, that his arguments, with respect to the distress to which the poor were frequently rendered liable, by being distrained upon by the intermediate landlords, remained unanswered.

The Amendment was negatived, and the Bill passed through the committee, and was reported.