which could not contain those passages, "continue to corres pond with the Viceroy. I shall see by your conduct at Ancona whether your heart be really French," &c.; but with all due deference, how could a letter wrote to Murat in August, 1811, inform him that he was surrounded by enemies. Who or where were they-at a moment, when the whole Continent of Europe was the huinble and peaceable slave of Bonaparte, and Italy more than any other country. Such was the barefaced attempt of the French Emperor, to invalidate these important documents, on which he seemed to conceive the whole proof rested. The other four, equally important and conclusive, were passed over in silence. Count Blacas, at any rate, could not falsify them; and they were alone sufficient to establish the points in dispute. But to render the matter stronger, the French Ministers contrived to insert a letter purporting to be from Lord Wellington to Count de Blacas, dated Paris, January 4th, 1815, in which the former states that he returned the papers which the latter had left with him, and which in his opinion" contained no proofs against Murat. They only shew that he espoused a side against his will," &c. What papers these were thus shewn to Lord Wellington, we cannot tell-the Moniteur, of course, insinuates that these were the same as those afterwards produced by Lord Castlereagh; yet bold as he was, the editor does not venture to state pointedly that they were so. absurd accusations, however, strange as they were, afforded Mr. Horner, and that side of the House, an opportunity to renew their charges against the Minister; but these were as unsuccessful as the other; and they were compelled to relinquish the defence of Murat, and the Moniteur, with shame and disgrace. These Murat aware that his perfidy was become the object of consideration by the Congress, and also of what was going on in Elba, took measures to meet both. He augmented his military means with great energy, and procured a force of one description or another, which exceeded 100,000 men, 80,000 of which was disposable. But as the maintainance of this force was beyond the means of the Kingdom of Naples, Murat was. compelled to precipitate his measures. In this, however, he was guided by his usual hypocrisy and cunning. Under pretence of a quarrel with France, he, about the middle of February, had the audacity to demand a passage through Middle Italy, and through the Austrian States in Upper Italy, for an army of 80,000 men. "Such a strange proposal was rejected with a suitable admonition."* At the same time France assured Austria, that she had no hostile views against either the one or the other. Austria perceived, however, that precaution on her part was absolutely necessary, and accordingly sent very large re-enforcements of troops to her Italian dominions. Murat thus defeated in his strange views, perceived that the favourable moment was not yet arrived, and accordingly “withheld the declaration," he intended to publish. That period, however, approached. On the 5th March the news of Napoleon's escape became publicly known at Naples; where it no doubt had been secretly anticipated and expected for some time. "The King immediately sent for his Imperial Majesty's ambassador, and declared to him that he was and should remain inviolably faithful to the system of the alliance. He renewed the same declaration to the Cabinets of Austria and England. At the same time he sent his Aid-de-camp, Count de Beaufremont to France, with the commission to look for Bonaparte, and to assure him of his support. Scarcely was the news of Napoleon's entry into Lyons, received at Naples, when he formally declared to the Court of Rome, that he considered the cause of Napoleon as his own, and would now prove it to him, that it had never been foreign to him." At the same time he demanded from the Pope, a free passage through his territories for two divisions of his army, which was refused and protested against. But this was all the Pope could do. On the 8th April, the Neapolitan Ministers at Vienna gave in a note to the Congress, assuring that assembly of the friendly disposition of their master, and of his unalterable wish, never to separate himself from Austria; but stating that altered circumstances, and his own safety, required him to increase his forces. ↑ Do. • Austrian declaration, Vienna, April 12th, 1815. do. do, # Do. do., do. In this manner he continued making professions to the allies, and at the same time carrying on negotiations with Bonaparte, till his army was completely ready to take the field. His conduct, therefore, in whatever point of view we take it, was most infamous. It shewed the justness of Bonaparte's answer, that he was "destitute of moral courage;" or unfit firmly either to do good or to follow evil, but as his own interest or safety directed him. It justified, that severe but accurate accusation made against him and his friends by the Austrian Cabinet, namely, that "Moderation and good faith are words without meaning in the eyes of the Princes of the new French dynasty."*. Of this most important truth, the powers of Europe were now too well convinced, to be any longer deceived by their conduct. Austria continued to augment her troops in Italy, and to be prepared for any alternative. Her force was fast augmenting to 150,000 men, and the utmost vigilance was displayed by the active and able officers entrusted with the command, in that country. At length the moment arrived when the true intentions of Murat were to be discovered. The arrival of Bonaparte in Paris was the signal for him to advance. He put his army in motion, and violating the territories of a neutral power, against whom he had not, and never pretended to have, any complaint; his troops passed through the States of the Church in two divisions, the one keeping along the west coast by Rome, and the other the east coast by Ancona. With this torce, altogether about 80,000 strong, he took the road for Upper Italy. All doubt of his real intentions were now at an end.. "The King of Naples," said Bellegarde," at last throwing off the mask, which saved him at a most dangerous period, without declaration of war, for which he was unable to assign any just motive, against the faith of his treaties with Austria, to which alene he owes his political existence, threatens again with his armies the tranquillity of this fine Italy; and not satisfied with introducing all the plagues of war, he endeavours every where to lighten up, under the pretence of Italian independence, the devastating fire of the • Austrian declaration, Vienna, April 12th, 1815. Revolution, which formerly smoothed for him the road to pass from the obscurity of private life, to the splendour of a throne, He wishes under the specious ideas of natural limits, to present to all the Italians the phantom of a Kingdom, of which he cannot even fix the capital; because nature has fixed with separate limits, separate Governments to the different portions of Italy."* In the declaration published by Murat he does not attempt to deny any one of the accusations against him. He boldly takes his ground on the intentions attributed to him, and the actions said in the Austrian declaration to be committed by him, "Italians," said he, "the moment is come when great destinies must be accomplished. Providence calls you at last to be an independent people. One cry echoes from the Alps to the strait of Scylla-the independence of Italy. What right have strangers to rob you of your independence, the first right and blessing of all people? What right have they to carry off your sons, to make them serve, languish, and die, far from the tombs of your fathers? Let every Foreign domination disappear from the soil of Italy. Formerly masters of the world, you have expiated that fatal glory, by a servitude of twenty centuries. Let it now be your glory to have masters no longer, Every people must keep within the limits fixed to it by nature. The sea and inaccessible mountains, these are your frontiers, Eighty thousand Italians of Naples, hasten to you under the command of their King, they swear never to rest until Italy be free; and they have proved more than once, that they know how to keep their oaths. Italians of all countries! Second their magnanimous wish. The enlightened men of all countries, the nations which are worthy of a liberal Government, the Princes who are distinguished by the greatness of their character, will rejoice in your enterprise, will applaud your triumphs. England! can she refuse you her suffrage?"+ I consider it unnecessary to quote farther from this document, in order to shew the views of Murat. They were chiefly those which looked forward to his own interests: but at the same time • Bellegarde's proclamation, Milan, April 5th, 1815. while by kindling a flame in Italy, he promoted this, he divided the energies of Austria, and covered a most vulnerable, and as it concerned Napoleon, a dangerous part of the French frontier in the South; thereby seconding, to the utmost of his power, the views and intentions of his relation. It is probable that the latter personage laughed at present the attempt of Murat, in endeavouring to make himself Sovereign of all Italy, which he had formerly treated with such contempt; but at present he encouraged him to proceed, as it was of the utmost importance to him, in his present situation; and knowing, as he well did, that if he was successful over the European coalition, that he would quickly undo all that Murat had done, and teach him again that he had only made him a King, in furtherance of part of his system. It was part of the principles taught by the French Revolution, to pervert the human understanding, and call wrong right, and to glory in that profession. If this had not been the case, could Murat, without a blush of shame, have spoken of strangers and foreigners robbing Italy of her independence; who was himself a foreigner, sprung from a nation notorious in Italy for their oppression and for their crimes. Could any thing but those feelings which remained steeled at the horrors of the Berezina, call upon them to remember those foreigners, who carried off their sons to serve, languish, and die, far from the tombs of their fathers. How bitter the reproof-how just the censure here passed against Napoleon's ambition, and Murat's servility? though levelled by the perverted judgment and ambition of the latter against a different object. Is it possible to hear with patience him talk of Italian independence, who, but a short time before, first offered to Austria and then to Napoleon to assist in dismembering and dividing her. After the glorious victory of Leipsic decided the fate of Europe, Murat again came forward to renew his offers to join the European alliance, which he had upon the formidable appearance of Bonaparte in the spring retracted' from. "He caused army to advance, and proposed to Austria the partition of Italy."* When this was refused on the part of Austria, he his * Austrian declaration, Vienna, April 12th, 1815. |