mity to Europe." As to the government of Louis XVIII. he looked upon it rather as "interrupted than subverted." There was, said Mr. Grattan, "a sort of monstrous unreality in the revived system of government, that stated nothing as it is, and every thing as it was not. The whole state was corrupted." He wished to know if, by a treaty, that House would agree to confirm in the heart of France a military dominion, whose object was to triumph over civil rights, which had governed a mighty nation, without any religion, and whose object was to govern Europe, “by means of breaking oaths and deposing Kings." If, said Mr. Grattan, "they would agree to confirm that system-degrade the honour of England-forget the value of morals, and despise the obligations of religion—if they would astonish all our allies by such a confirmation, would not they exclaim, is it England who at the most urgent moment draws back? In vain have you supported the fallen fortunes of the worldtaken the eagles from the hands of the invaders-and snatched invincibility from the standards of the foe, if now, when all Europe is ready to march, you, who were in the front before, are the. foremost to take the lead in desertion!" With regard to financial questions, "it is not what money you are to spend," said Mr. Grattan, "but what fortunes we are to keep, that is the object claims our attention. Besides, money is not the national strength. The name and post you have hitherto borne, preclude you," continued he, "from taking a secondary place. Whenever you cease to be the first among nations, you will sink to the condition of the last!"

This speech was received with reiterated cheers by the House. Mr. Plunket followed in the same animated strains. He stated, that he should have little confidence in the judgment of any, who should consider peace with Bonaparte as a sufficient security to this country. He contended, that, in conjunction with our allies, we ought to prosecute the war against Bonaparte. That if it was admitted we ought to negotiate with our allies, it must also be allowed that, if those negotiations were unsuccessful, we must go to war in concert with them. That, granting these allies had previously, and in some intances proved faithless to us, still "that faithlessness did not apply to the present question." It was no answer to the accu

sation against Bonaparte, to say that other powers had been faithless too. When the internal regulations of one country threatened "the peace and security of the others, it appeared to him, as clear as the light, that interference was justifiable." The peace of Paris was accepted by France, and by Bonaparte, with gratitude; and now, when that was broken by a licentious soldiery, for the purpose of fresh aggression, was Europe to be told that she had no right to interfere in the internal arrangements of such a nation? The just and legitimate Sovereign of France had been driven from his throne, because his unambitious virtue made him appear to the soldiers not to be a proper instrument to wield the "unsocial and unnatural energies of the French Empire." The universal feeling of joy at the abdication of Bonaparte, argued how much the feelings of mankind were against him. Bonaparte was reduced by necessity to make professions contrary to his very nature. The storm pressed

hard upon him, and bent his utmost strength. The combination of the allies, acting from moral feelings, was most formidable; and if "we were foolish enough to throw away those means, we could never hope to recal them." It was vain to expect that a more favourable opportunity could ever arrive; and even those with whom he differed, acknowledged that when a great blow could be struck against the enemy, it ought not to be neglected. "He considered that we had no option between peace and war. That peace, under the present circumstances, would only be a peevish unrefreshing dream, continually haunted by the spectre of war. If we did not now invade the territories of France, the day might come when this country would be the theatre of war; and, added he, if we now turn our back upon our allies, we should deserve that in the hour of our calamity, all nations should turn their backs upon

us."

Such is a faint outline of the different speeches made by the leading members upon this important subject, and at this momentous occasions. Mr. Tierney said little, except by a few hasty assertions against the measures of the government, in which there was nothing either new or remarkable. Mr. Whitbread, on this occasion, said nothing. The motion, similar to that in the House of Lords, was then carried by a majority of 239. Next

day, Lord Castlereagh brought forward the question of the sub sidies to be granted to the Foreign Powers, when five millions were demanded and voted for that purpose, to be divided between the three great Powers, Austria, Russia, and Prussia. His Lordship stated the forces to be brought into actual service by the different powers to be 1,011,000 men, independent of a Russian army of reserve of 150,000 men,* ready to march, if necessary; and all the remaining resources of the other powers together, perhaps an equal number to the former. Europe, indeed, at this moment, was a perfect camp; and, independent of the enormous military power of Russia, above one million of men were in arms in Germany alone. In this arrangement, as Great Britain was bound to bring into the field 150,000 men, or to pay for the deficiency at a certain rate per man; she had £2,500,000 to pay for the 100,000 men in which she was deficient. To this grant Mr. Whitbread objected, and opposed the measures of war; in which he said it was not so much the object of the confederates to put down Bonaparte as to restore the Bourbons. It was impossible, he said, to look for the termination of the war within one year, as some sanguine persons were led to expect. That even if Bonaparte were destroyed, his destruction would not put an end to the war. He was of opinion that the cordial co-operation of the allied powers could not be relied on, and that they would "split upon their own views of aggrandizement." He further asserted, that the opinion of all mankind was outraged by the conduct of these powers towards Saxony and other places.

Notwithstanding the opposition of Mr. Whitbread, the vote for the subsidies was carried; and, certainly, considering every circumstance, it was the most favourable contract this country ever entered into. The conduct of the British ministers at this moment was highly meritorious, and most skilful. In

+ Lord Castlereagh, House of Commons, May 25th, 1815.

all the former contest, France eagerly inculcated the doctrine, that it was England that led all the powers of the Continent into war; not for their interest and safety, but for her own, and out of hatred and animosity against France. False as this assertion was, there was a great majority in France, and millions in Europe, which believed it. In this instance, however, no such accusation could possibly be brought against her. She entered into the war, not by calling upon the allied powers to join her, but from their demanding and soliciting her powerful aid and assistance. It was for the interest of all, but for theirs in a more particular manner, as they openly acknowledged, that the contest was now to be commenced. The animosity of encmies, and the machinations of party could no longer, however, falsely load the character of Britain with being the instigator to resistance and war. I have thus detailed the previous speeches at considerable length, in order that I might shew to the reader the sentiments of the leading political eharacters in Great Britain at this important moment, and upon this momentous subject, the greatest and most extraordinary ever interested the world. I have shewn, without favour or affection, the sentiments of both parties, in order that the reader may judge to whose counsels and advice the safety of Europe is now owing. Had the counsels of a Grey, a Burdett, a Ponsonby, a Tierney, or a Whitbread, been followed-had their doubts, their fears, their judgment prevailed, Napoleon might have sat secure in the Thuilleries till the angel of Death had summoned him to the bar of the Almighty. To them Europe owes nothing. Their counsels were her bane-their advice, if followed, would have been her destruction. They loaded her cause with reproach; and endeavoured, by the most erroneous calculations and descriptions, to infuse the cold poison of fear into the bosoms of her brave defenders.

This tremendous decision of the British Legislature, dissipated, in a moment, all those doubts and fears, of the lukewarmness of any power in the Coalition; and destroyed all those idle dreams of peace and concord, which the creatures of the French government daily fabricated, in order to frighten its enemies, and encourage its friends. The clouds blackened-the tempest approached. Deception could conceal the danger no longer.

Ten thousand workmen, employed in surrounding Paris with defences, 300 pieces of cannon planted on the heights of Montmartre, more arriving from all quarters, and the water of the surrounding streams preparing to lay their environs under water, convinced the Parisians that there was danger approaching from some quarter. Reserve was then thrown off-the profes sions of peace and moderation were thrown away-France appeared in the garb and constitution of war, her native character. The Champ de Mai, so often promised, so often delayed, was summoned-was convoked. The new Constitution was sworn to; and the ceremonies of dancing, singing, swearing, and plays, with eating and drinking, once more, for the moment, served to turn the attention of the thoughtless inhabitants of Paris, from the deeper murmurs and more hoarse alarms of the approaching battle, and which now surrounded them on all sides. On the evening of the 31st of May, the preparations for this national festival-this solemn and touching ceremony, as the Parisians called it, took place. The theatres were thrown open to the public; which act forms an absolutely necessary appendage to all French ceremonies, however solemn, touching, or interesting. At eight o'clock in the evening, a salute was fired from the cannon placed on the terrace of the Thuilleries, which was returned from Montmartre and the other batteries. This served to inform the inhabitants that cannon surrounded them on all sides; and as they knew Bonaparte was an excellent hand at using them, therefore it was unnecessary to inform them further how they were to behave next morning. The morning came. At six o'clock, the cannon of the Thuilleries gave the signal for a new salute from all the batteries which surrounded Paris. At the same time, the Imperial guard and the Gens de armes occupied the avenues to the Champ de Mars and the military school. At eight, the deputations from the army repaired to the Champ de Mars. At nine, the Electoral colleges, the Court of Cassation, and various public Bodies repaired to the same place. At eleven, the Emperor, in his carriage drawn by eight horses, and accompanied by the Commandant of Paris, Heralds, Ministers of State, Grand officers, &c. &c. in carriages drawn by six horses, left the Thuilleries and repaired to the military school. Salutes of artillery were