been betrayed by some base Generals who might be present This accusation was levelled against Ney, as appears from his. letter to Fouche immediately after. "Shall we abandon Napoleon a second time? We have sworn to defend him," said he, "even in his misfortunes." "If we, therefore, declare that every Frenchman who quits his standard shall be covered with infamy-shall have his house seized and his family proscribed, we shall have no more traitors, no more of these manœuvres, which have occasioned the late catastrophes, and some of the authors of which perhaps sit here." A great tumult, and cries of order, order, interrupted the Speaker. "Hear me," continued Labodeyere. No, said Count Valence, "I will not listen to you, until that you have disavowed what you have said.""It is not to you, Count," said Labodeyere, “I address myself." The tumult here continued to such a degree, that the voice of Labodeyere was drowned amidst violent exclamations. The President put on his hat, and tranquillity was again restored. Count Cornudet then came forward, and told them, that they were "disputing on words." That Napoleon II. was out of France, and, in fact, a prisoner. Their first business was the establishment of a Provisional Government, capable of adopting measures for the public safety. Count Segur, while he regretted the discussion, he acknowledged that reserve was no longer necessary, and that Napoleon had declared to the President, that his abdication was null unless they proclaimed his son. The President, however, contradicted this. "I did not say that. I said that the abdication was in favour of his son." Count Segur then proceeded, and said that, by the constitution, Napoleon II. was their Sovereign, and that the Pro visional Government would act in his name; and, in doing so, ought to assume the title of Regency. The Duke of Bassano followed on the same side; and added, that if the propos. als of peace should be rejected, he doubted not but that the rallying cry of the army would be, Napoleon II. and whom he pointed out that it was necessary to proclaim. In course of these debates, a discussion took place between Counts Biossy and Carnot, by which the important fact was ascertained, that the Council of ministers had that morning decided that the Emperor must abdicate his throne. Count Roederer built

great hopes upon the acknowledgment of Napoleon II., that Austria would enter into their views. This was, no doubt, the object of those who contrived this scheme. "Can that power," said he, "consider us an enemy, when we adopt for a Sovereign a child, the issue of its Royal blood?” Counts Thibadeau and Pontecoulant, insisted that the first object they should attend to was to complete a Government. "Let us," said the latter, "wave every question but the nomination. Why should we for disputes on words, leave Paris and France without a Government." Count Flahaut still insisted that the first thing which they should do was to proclaim Napoleon II. He argued that if the Emperor had died, his son would have succeeded him—and, that as he was politically dead, so he should be succeeded by his son also. To this speech Count Decres replied with vehemence. "Is this a time to think of individuals? the country before every thing-it is in danger. I move that the debate be closed." This motion was immediately adopted. The House then proceeded to choose the two members for the Provisional Government, and the choice fell upon Caulincourt and Quinette. These two, with Grenier, Carnot, and Fouche, now formed the Government that was to rule over and to save France. Of this conclave Fouche was President.

The Provisional Government, being appointed, immediately commenced its functions. A decree was passed authorizing the Government to procure, by means of requisitions, supplies for the army, and transports for the troops. Another decree was passed, calling out the remainder of the conscription of 160,000, for 1815, decreed in 1813. Severe resolutions were passed against all those who should desert the cause of the Government, or assume any colours but the national ones. An address was issued to the nation, in which the Provisional Government informed them, "that in a few days glorious successes and dreadful reverses had again agitated their destinies." Napoleon, they said, had abdicated-and his son was proclaimed. Their new Constitution was to be applied, purified, and extended, and after twentyfive years of political tempests, the moment was come when every thing "wise and sublime," that had been conceived respecting social institutions, was to be made perfect in theirs

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Plenipotentiaries, they added, were gone to negotiate a peace with the allies, which they had promised on one condition, which was fulfilled. They called upon France to be united; and reminded the people that while armies may be in part destroyed, the experience of all ages and of all nations proved that an intrepid nation," combating for liberty and justice," could never be destroyed. Unfortunately, however, it was not for these things that France was at this moment combating. In addition to the deputies dispatched to the allied armies to solicit peace, a messenger was dispatched to England; but he was ordered to return; and Monsieur Otto, who was sent on a similar journey, was forced to remain at Boulogne for want of passports to proceed across the channel. It was generally supposed that his mission related to negotiations concerning the personal safety of Bonaparte, and to receive passports for him to proceed to America. In the meantime every exertion was made to arm the national guards of Paris, and the neighbouring departments; to fortify the capital, to collect troops and stores in order to oppose the allies. Napoleon was almost forgotten; and passed from Paris to Malmaison, and from Malmaison to Paris, without any one noticing or paying any attention to him. All his honours were fled-the guards from his palace were withdrawn, and nothing remained but the name. Such was the end of that boasted attachment, love and regard for the person of Napoleon, which was to carry fire and swordagain throughout Europe; and such the proofs of that unalterable love, affection, and support, which France, and the Pari-sians in particular, had solemnly sworn, only three weeks be-fore, to retain for him at all hazards, and to maintain with their blood against all enemies. It was another and a sad proof of the complete demoralization of the French nation, that regarded no tie but its own convenience and interested pursuits; and asthese feelings bad been inculcated and matured in a particular inanner under the auspices of Napoleon, so a wise and a just Providence had ordered, that he in his person should witness. and feel the sad effects of his own diabolical policy, which. went about to subvert the pillars of human society, and to carry disorder and confusion into the moral and political. world, and ruin and misery over a quarter of this globe. He

was now caught in the snares which he had formed for others; and the conduct of the people of France at this moment, and his fate, ought to be a lesson for all-succeeding ages, to shun the paths which conducted them to a scene of defeat, disgrace, and humiliation, moral and political, so great, that while they were the mark of the indignation of all nations, their conduct was such as to procure for them no pity, but, on the contrary, universal scorn and contempt. Twenty-five years of misery had passed over their heads, in which they had enjoyed the autmost heights of prosperity, and the deepest gulphs of adversity; yet it had made them, no better. The same spirit still agitated, and was nearly about to direct them again, which did in 1792; and which brought upon them and upon Europe -such unutterable evils. Let any person attend to the debates at this moment, and those in 1791 and 1792, and they will find them but little dissimilar; and there can be little doubt, but that, if the rapid approach of the allied armies had not prevented it, similar scenes would have been. acted. But instead of having time to mature decrecs, to construct Guillotines, to take off 500 heads at one blow, they had not time to construct a machine which could take off one. So far fortunate for Napoleon-he was obliged to the Duke of Wellington for this. It was remarkable, however, that the abdication of Bonaparte a second time, though it created general joy, was unattended with any of that strong enthusiasm with which the same event was received the preceding year. Mankind were not only taken by surprise, but they looked upon the whole as another trick to deceive Europe; and, therefore, withheld that joy they would otherwise have expressed, as dubious of the event, and uncertain whether good or evil was to result from it. At all events, every one was now satisfied that Bonaparte was not the root of the evil; and mankind over Europe would not now be satisfied with any thing less than the overthrow, not only of him, but of his system. They went further, and expected that France should be made to pay for the miseries she had inflicted upon the world, through their restless ambition; and that, for the future, she should. be left in a situation that she would not have it in her power to annoy her neighbours; or pursue, for a long time to come, wars of aggression and ambition. They saw that this restless and ambitious feeling was not so much the

vice and pursuit of one man, as it was of the nation; and, therefore, till they saw this completely broken, chained, and punished, they were aware their repose was distant; and that but little good could accrue to mankind whoever might be the Sovereign of France. Dominion and glory was her concern; peace and security theirs.

"I propose to move this morning upon Nivelles, and not discontinue my operations," said the Duke of Wellington, after a few hours repose on the bloody field of Waterloo. He kept his word most strictly. Bursting like a whirlwind through the boasted iron frontiers of France, and her triple rows of fortifications, the flood of war rolled along with irresistible impetuosity towards Paris. On the 19th the Prussian army, under Blucher, crossed the Sambre at Charleroy in pursuit of the flying enemy. On the 21st both armies entered France: the Prussians by Beaumont, and the army under Wellington by Bavay. The former advanced upon the road to St. Quentin and Laon, and the latter to Cambray and Peronne. On the 24th, Sir Charles Colville took the town of Cambray by escalade, the governor retiring into the citadel, which he afterwards surrendered on the 25th, when it was given up to the order of Louis XVIII. St. Quentin was abandoned by the enemy, and was occupied by Prince Blucher; and, on the evening of the 24th, the castle of Guise surrendered to the Prussian arms. The French army retreated on Laon in a most wretched state. At this time, even from the accounts of Davoust, not 20,000 remained together. "The soldiers quitted their regiments in partics, and returned to their homes; those of the cavalry and artillery selling their horses to the people of the country."* In the meantime the corps of Grouchy, which had remained in the neighbourhood of Wavre till the 20th, made good its retreat to Namur and Dinant, in which retreat, as we have already noticed, it suffered considerably, and lost some of its cannon."+ Cut off from the wreck of the main army, and also from the direct road to Paris, he was compelled to take the road to Rethel, from thence to Rheims, and by forced marches endeavoured to reach the capital before the allies. On the 21st Avesnes surrendered to • Wellington's dispatch, Le Cateau, June 22d, 1815