their interests led them to dread and to detest. These men, by no means, had any great regard for Bonaparte; because he had forsaken their cause, and crushed their power. But they were sensible that they could not carry their plans into execution, without the assistance of the army, which, they were aware would obey Bonaparte, more readily than any other. On this account they concealed their hatred, and turned their attention to him, as the only man, who was most likely to lead them with success in their present enterprise; and they perhaps flattered themselves, they could be able either to set him aside, or render him their servant as soon as their present views were accomplished. But their impatient and sanguinary tempers could brook no delay; and they were ready to follow the steps of any military chief, who might have the hardihood, to place himself in that dangerous situation for the moment. "Thus the nation and the army had only one wish, and the same cry burst from cities and garrisons, from towns and camps, the moment the deliverer appeared. Had he delayed, the national impatience would not have waited for him, it was at its height." * Bonaparte and his military followers and friends, were aware that not a moment was to be lost; that they must take advantage of this national impatience, or it would very readily seek out another object; when the army, eager only for war, would very readily follow the same course, and thus the cause for which he exiled himself to a rock in the middle of the sea, be lost forever. It was in the nature of the ambition and pursuits of this man, to place himself in the most imminent danger. In the face of it at present, he was compelled to embark; and while Europe yet stood weeping over the woes, which he had inflicted upon her, and with those arms in her hands, which were still red with the best blood of France, he resolved to dare their anger, and to brave their fury. France, thought he to himself, will support me, or those who refuse to do so, I shall soon as formerly, be in a situation to compel, and thus situated I defy Europe. In an evil hour, and under those impressions he left Elba, landed in France, and reached Paris. The real object of his Address of the Confederation of Britanny, April 25th, 1815. return was soon made known, and loudly echoed by his supe porters and admirers. Every day Europe was reminded of the conquerors of Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena, Friedland, and the Moskwa, and even of Moscow, with a long et cetera of names; and put on her guard, how she provoked their invincible battalions. Europe, however, was not dismayed. She had met these battalions in the bloody field, with the terror of Austerlitz round their brows, and found their strength was mortal; and she was as well aware, as those who recalled him, of the real object of Napoleon's return. It was to resume his rights, and restore the French glory, which in other words meant, that the whole population of Europe, was to mourn and obey her. In order to ascertain, amidst their studious deception, and intentional declamation, what was the object which they sought, we must attend to their complaints about what they had lost. In this they were more explicit; and from this it appears, that it was the loss of the conquests acquired by their ambition that grieved their hearts, and prompted them to take measures which they supposed would enable them to recover these again. "Shall those," said Bonaparte, "whom during twenty-five years we have seen traversing Europe, to raise up enemies against us; who have passed their lives in fighting against us in the ranks of foreign armies, cursing our fine France? shall they pretend to control our eagles, that they should calumniate our glory? If their reign should continue, all would be lost, even the memory of these immortal days-tear down those colours which the nation has proscribed: mount the cockade tri-color: you bore it in the days of our greatness." *"This glory," said Ney, "is the fruit of labours too noble for us to be ever able to lose the remembrance of it.” †06 Trample under foot," said Drouet, "the white-cockade—it is the emblem of shame, and of the yoke imposed by foreigners, and by treason. All that has been done without the consent of the people, and ours, and without consulting us, is invalid." "He," (the Emperor) "hoped for the nation, the preservation • Bonaparte's proclamation, March 1st, 1815. do. Drouet's proclamation to the army, Márch 1st. of all which he had acquired by twenty-five years of combats and of glory. He expected from the new Government, respect for the glory of the armies, the rights of the brave, the guarantee of all the new interests, which had risen and been maintained for a quarter of a century," but instead of this "the dislocation of the army, the dispersion of its officers, the exile of many of them, the suppression of their endowments, their deprivation of half pay," "* and other dishonourable treatment took place. "The reward of so many immortal labours," said the Revolutionary Imperialists of Britanny, "were all torn from us a few days ago. The nation shuddered, the whole army unanimous in its wishes, immoveable in its fidelity; that army which was betrayed, but never vanquished; that army whose glory was an eye sore; those veterans covered with scars who were indignant at the prostitution of their honours, these warriors who saw at once by a crime unexemplified in history, fifty fortresses given up at once to the enemy, without combat; our cannon, our ships, our most valuable dock yards, surrendered without compensation; the domain of heroes, the most legitimate, the most sacred of all property, which ten solemn treaties had guaranteed, abandoned without a single diplomatic line having been consecrated to it's defence; 30,000 officers tried in so many battles, driven out to make room for men, who, instead of a statement of services, presented twenty-five years of nullity."+ St. Jean de Angley in his exposé of the 13th June, also complains bitterly that by giving up the fortresses out of France, they lost 12,000 pieces of cannon mostly of brass, and valued at 200,000,000 francs. Such were the grievances which they chiefly complained of. I might multiply quotations of this kind, many of them even more explicit than the preceding; but I conceive these quite sufficient to shew what were the real objects for which the French people recalled Bonaparte, and to execute which he returned. To restore this tarnished French honour, and to wipe away that disgrace, (which, though it was his own folly and obsti nacy, and that of his admirers and supporters, which had Report to the Council of Ministers, April 2d, 1815. + Address of the Confederation of Britanny, April 28th, 1815. brought it upon France, he yet boldly charged to the misconduct of others,) the Emperor now came back. He had been compelled by the impatience of those who recalled him, to choose rather a dangerous period; and on that account he was obliged to be less explicit, than he otherwise would have been. But his object could not be mistaken; unless it was by those who did not and would not understand what the interests, the honour, and the glory of France, and her military population meant. "Frenchmen," said Bonaparte, "in my exile I heard your complaints and your wishes; you demanded that Government of your choice, which alone was legitimate. You accused my long slumber; you reproached me for sacrificing to my repose, the great interests of the country. I have crossed the seas im the midst of dangers of every kind. I arrive amongst you to resume my rights which are yours. Who shall presume to be masters over us? Who would have the power? Recover those eagles which you had at Ulm, at Austerlitz, at Jena, at Eylau, at Friedland, at Tudela, at Ekhmuhl, at Essling, at Wagram, at Smolensko, at Moscow, at Lutzen, at Hanau, at Montn.irail;-Soldiers! come and range yourselves under the banners of your chief; his existence is only composed of yours; his rights are only those of the people and yours, his interest, his honour, his glory, are no other than your honour, your glory, and your interests."* "Your wishes shall be fulfilled," said he to the inhabitants of the Upper and Lower Alps. cause of the nation shall again triumph."+ "Frenchmen," said he, "I shall soon be in my capital, surrounded by my brethren in arms-after having delivered our provinces in the South, and my good city of Lyons, from the reign of fanatacism which is that of the Bourbons. France shall still be the happiest country in the world. The French shall still be the Great Nation. Paris shall again become the queen of cities, as well as the seat of the sciences and of the arts." "Europe," said the Confederation of Britanny, "is enlightened, and her "The * Bonaparte's proclamation to the people and army, March 1st, 1815. Sovereigns at this great period, will shew themselves worthy of their age. But if our wishes be deceived, if France must resume her arms, war and victory shall seal forever the rights which we hold of God, and by our swords; the war shall be national; and victory, as prompt as the necessity of vanquishing, shall be imperious."* I conceive it unnecessary to multiply quotations on this point at this place. We shall see as we go along, this spirit become more bold and explicit, as the Usurper and his followers became what they conceived more stable in their situations. The conduct of Napoleon and his followers, was at this time so remarkable, that I cannot help dwelling at some length upon the remarkable arguments, by which they endeavoured to justify their conduct, and which frequently involved them in the most gross contradictions. Him and his advocates endeavoured to justify his return and the consequent breach of treaty with Europe by asserting that almost every article of the treaty concluded with him, had been broken. After he had received a lesson from the licentious press of Britain, he began to find out, that the declaration of the allies, certainly meant that he should he assassinated. He asserted that the treaty of Fontainbleau had been violated in different ways, first by the nonpayment of his pension by the French Government, by which he was reduced to great want and distress. A prodigious lamentation was raised at the hardships of the fallen Emperor, on this account, and particularly by the opposition press in Britain, who in fact at first started this point, as well as most of the following ones to help him out of his dilemma. But there was no violation of the treaty in this respect. The pension was payable annually. There was not a word in the treaty about paying all or any part of it in advance, or quarterly, or halfyearly. No certainly. It was an annual payment; and if he received it at the end of the twelve months, it was all he had a right to demand. With regard to his poverty, however, that was a fabrication; for the Moniteur, by his orders, a few days after he entered Paris, informed us, "There arrive continually * Address of the Confederation of Britanny, April 25th, 1815. |