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To the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled. The memorial of the legislative council and house of representatives of the Indiana territory, assembled at the town of Corydon, in the year 1815, in behalf of their constituents, respectful-laws of congress for the use of schools; it is there. ly showeth
some suitable place on the United States' lands in Knox, Gibson, and Clark, in said territory, a great this territory. And whereas in the counties of by private individuals, and confirmed to them by quantity of the lands in said counties are claimed benefits from the 16th section, reserved by the various laws of congress, which lands are so loca. ted that those counties will be deprived of the
alent in lands for the use of schools in said counfore expected that congress will reserve an equivues, in proportion to the number of the 16th section now the property of individuals in said counshould have its seat of government as nearly cen ties. As it is deemed good policy that every state tral as the local situation of the country will permit, and as such site proper for he permanent seat is not at this time at the disposal of this territory or the general government, it is expected that congress will, whenever the Indian title shall be extinguished, grant us a township of six miles square, to be selected by such persons as the future state may appoint.
And whereas congress will receive the most corproportion the number of representatives to the rect information from this body to enable them to convention in the different counties, we recomof each coun y, according to their mend the following, as proportioned to the census ries, to wit:" present boundaFranklin 5 Wayne 4. Dearborn 3 Washington 5 Gibson Harrison 4 Perry Knox 5 Warrick 1. principally composed of emigrants from every part And whereas the inhabitants of this territory are of the union, and as various in their customs and at this time to express to the general government sentiments as in their persons, we think it prudent legislation, prescribed by congress in their ordinour attachment to the fundamental principles of larly as respects personal freedom and involuntary ance for the government of his territory, particuserv.ude, nd hope hat they may be continued as the basis of the constitution. (Signed)
THE NATIONAL REGISTER.
That whereas the ordinance of congress for the government of this territory has provided "That whenever there shall be sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, this territory shall be admitted into the union on an equal footing with the original states;" and whereas by a census taken by the authority of the legislature of this territory, it ap. pears from the returns that the number of free white inhabitants exceeds sixty thousand-we therefore pray the honorable senate and house of representatives, in congress assembled, to order an election to be conducted agreeably to the existing laws of this territory, to be held in the sev eral counties of this territory on the first Monday of May 1816, for representatives to meet in convention, at the seat of government of this territory, the-day of-1816, who when assembled, shall de termine by a majority of the votes of all the members elected, whether it will be expedient, or in. expedient to go into a state government; and if it be determined expedient, the convention thus assembled shall have the power to form a constitution and trame of government, or if it be deemed inexpedient, to provide for the election of representatives to meet in convention, at some future period, to form a constitution. people of this territory have made great sacrifices, And whereas the by settling on the frontiers, where they have been exposed to dangers and hardships of almost every description, by which means the lands of the United States have been greatly increased in value, we Feel confident that congress will be disposed to grant us seven per cent. on all monies received at ny of the United Sta e's land offices, from the 18' Hay of April, 1816, for lands already sold or herefter to be sold, lying in this territory; such per entage to be at the disposal of this government,
such way as may be judged most conducive to
Report of the committee of the house of represen-
6th inst. the memorial of the legislative council
President of the legislative council.
December 14, 1815.
By the articles of agreement and cession between the United States and the state of Georgia, it is provided, "That the territory thus ceded, (now Mississippi territory) shall form a state, and be admitted as such into the union, as soon as it shall contain sixty thousand free inhabitants, or at an earlier period, if congress shall think it expedient, on the same conditions and restrictions,|| with the same privileges, and in the same manner, as is provided in the ordinance of congress, of the|| 13th day of July, 1787, for the government of the western territory of the United States, which ordinance shall in all its parts, extend to the territory contained in the present act of cession, that article only excepted which forbids slavery "
The memorialists, after stating the number of persons taken under the last general census,straint, the people of this country should evince which was forty thousand three hundred and fit even an impatient desire for enlargement, it two of all descriptions, and adverting to the ac is but just to ascribe it to that sense of independcession of population produced by the annexation ence which is common to the nation, and which of a part of West Florida, and by subsequent emi- should be rather encouraged than depressed. It grations, conclude that the territory contained at is a policy worthy of a government which is conthat time (December 1814) the number required stituted and maintained by the public will, to fosby the agreement referred to above, to entitle it ter throughout the union, those feelings which to admission on an equal footing with the origi-give energy to the national character, and to exnal states. As this, however, was a matter of conf tend to every por ion of it those rights which conjecture and uncertainty, they solicit admission as duce to the general good. Nor could a period an act of courtesy on the part of the U. States. more propitious to these ends be selected than the present, when all American citizens have new cause to approve of their principles, to confide in their ins itutions, and to be proud of their name.
So far your committee have considered this sub||ject, as though an immediate admission of the territory were desired by all the inhabitants; but they are not prepared to say that such is the fact.Whilst it is true that such admission has been re
Your committee possess no means of forming any thing like a satisfactory estimate of the present population of the territory in question; but they conceive that, unless it be the determination of congress to defer its admission until it can be claimed in strict conformity to the compact with Georgia, there is no good reason for a further delay on the score of a deficiency of numbers, as such deficiency, if now questionable, will not pro-peatedly solicited, for a succession of years; it is bably much longer exist. Without taking into also true that about four years ago, a small minorconsideration the recent settlers, who are subjectity of the representative branch of the territorial to the late proclamation under the "act to prevent legislature protested against it; and that about a settlement being made," &c. the presumption is year thereafter, a considerable number of the peonot unreasonable that, if any considerable part of ple themselves petitioned that all proceedings in the lands obtained from the Creeks, is prepared congress, on the subject, might be postponed. It for a legal settlement within the time contempla- was on these two occasions, only, as your committed, the territory will contain more than the num- tee believe, that any indisposition to a state govber required, before it can be finally erected into ernment has been expressed to a national legislaa state. ture, by any of the people of the territory, or of their representatives in their behalf. Nor is it understood or believed that the reluctance manifested by a portion of those people, arose from a want of due and equal appreciation of the rights and advantages of an independent state. The causes of opposition so far as any opposition has been shown, But doubt may be entertained, whether the ter- seem to have been, in part, an unwillingness to -inritory can, with strict propriety, be divided, with- cur additional expense in supporting a state gov out the consent of its inhabitants, as well as that ernment whilst under a peculiar pressure from the of Georgia and of the United States. Although war; but chiefly, an apprehension that a state gov the people of the territory had no agency in the ernment with its inseparable appendage, a federal agreement above quoted, they were the object of district court, would be immediately followed by it, and as such, became a third party to it, and a great number of expensive and dangerous, if not vested by it of a right which is explicitly defined. ruinous law suits for lands, which would grow out This agreement provides "that the territory thus of (what are called) the Yazoo and British claims: ceded, shall form a state, (not one or more states) The war however, is now at an end, and the Yazoo and shall be admitted as such into the union, as claims may be considered as quieted; but the Britsoon as it shall contain sixty thousand free inhabi-ish claims still exist, and constitute the subject tants." of several petitions now before congress, on which it is not the province of your committee to speak. The petitions of sundry inhabi ants east of Pearl river, in the same territory, which also have been referred to your committee, as having relation to the question which has been considered; state that the eastern parts of said territory have not an equal
If, then, admission shall be deferred, in consequence of division, the expectation of the inhabitants will be disappointed and their right impaired. It is chiefly to avoid such a result that your committee have declined recommending a division of the territory, which otherwise might be expedient to lessen the inconveniences which,
with or without division, the local government will, for a long time at least, have to sustain.
In relation to the simple question of admission, as presented by the memorialists, precedents are not wanting, either to encourage their application, or to grant their request. The state of Ohio was admitted before it possessed the number which the ordinance required, and Louisiana did not come in as to time or numbers, in virtue of a strict and insuperable claim. It is not improbable that the Mississippi territory may contain, at this time, a greater population than either of those states did when they were admitted; and it is believed that its state of political minority and probation, has been of longer duration than that of any of the adopted states.-I then, after fifteen years of re
It is known to your committee that the consent of Georgia to a division of this territory, has been asked and obtained, and should it be divided before it is admitted, the admission of either part would, from a want of numbers, be subject to additional objection and further delay.
share of representation with the western, in the territorial legislature, suggest an apprehension that such inequality may continue under a state government-and pray that provision may be made for taking a census of the people of the territory, for the purpose of securing to all a representation according to numbers and equal rights. If the interposition of congress be necessary to effect what the petitioners have principally in view, namely, a fair representation in the convention which will be elected to form a constitution, some general provision to his end will properly belong to the act authorizing the convention to be chosen; and should it, nevertheless, afterwards appear, to the satis.c.ion of congress, that any part of the territory has not had i ́s due proportion of repre sentation in such convention, they will, no doub. use the corrective which they possess, in rejecting the constitution which may be formed.
Upon a full view of the whole subject which has been referred to the consideration of your committee, they are of opinion, that it is expedient to admit the Mississippi territory into the union as prayed for by the memorialists, and have prepared a bill for the purpose, which they ask leave to report.
Our Neighbors.-The Quebec Gazette of the 15th February, contains the following among other remarks on the recent correspondence of the secretary of state with the Spanish minister. They are of a different complexion from former articles of Canadian manufacture:
length five feet, and thickness two inches; making
This slab when shaken undulates sensibly backwards and forwards; when supported at the two extremities the middle forms a curve of about two inches from a horizontal line; and when turned over recovers itself, and inclines as much the other way. It has many other curious properties. The substance under consideration has been already described by Mr. Meade, in a memoir printed in the American Mineralogical Journal; and New. York now probably contains the largest piece that the world can produce. Aurora.
Summary of Foreign Events.
The Bi ish government have paid five hundred thousand pounds to the Portuguese for the detention of their slave vessels.
The circulation of English newspapers in France has been provisionally suspended by order of the minister of police.
The convention between the principal allied powers relative to the final fate of Bonaparte, da ted the 24 of August last, is published. It stipu lates that he is to be considered their prisonerthat the custody of him is entrusted to the Brit. ish government, who are authorised to settle the place of his confinement, and devise the measures of securely keeping him-each court to have a commissioner to abide at the place of his residence, and the king of France to be invited to appoint one.
In February a small expedition was preparing to sail from Cadiz for S. America. Its particular destination was not known.
"Will there be war between Spain and the United States? This will depend upon the spiri of Ferdinand the adored; that the Americans will keep what they have got, and ardently desire to have more, that they will trade where they can advantageously, and make their country a refuge for a population of all nations, is not to be doub. ed. That they will fight rather than forego any of these advantages, we have ample evidence; and we are greatly mistaken if the government and a great proportion of the population would not be glad of a declaration of war on the part of Spain. The beat of the drum would imme-tria diately assemble a large army beyond the Alleganies for an expedition to Mexico, nay, they would even enlist for Peru; the Decaturs, the Porters, the Per. rys, and hords of privateersmen, would glory in a war with Spain.-But will Grea Britain interfere? Such an event no doubt would be unpleasan; but after the result of the last war, it is not to be expected that, even in that case, the United States would readily yield up any of the present preten
The emperor Alexander has invite I some of the most distinguished of the French exiles to settle in his empire.
The transport Seahorse was wrecked near Tran-
There is some probability of a war between Aus-
It appears that Morillo the Spanish commander at Carthagena, is pursuing the most summary and vindictive vengence, by executing numbers of the revolutionary inhabitants.
The Baron Quinet'a de Rochemont, late secretary to the provisional government in France, and his son have arrived in New-York.
Gen. Wilson and suite passed through the state It is stated that he has seen much service in India of New-York, in March, on their way to Quebec. under Wellington. He is to succeed general Drummond, "as administrator in chief, civil and military over the two Canadas.
Elastic Marble of Massachusetts. Some time ago Dr. Mitchell exhibited to the New York Philosophical society a specimen of American elastic marble, measuring four fee in length, three inches in breadth, and one inch in thickness. The slab was of a snowy whiteness, of a grained structure, and of remarkable flexibility.te He had received it of Messrs. Noris and Kain, who got it from the quarry in Pittsfield Massachusetts.|| Since the receipt of this extraordinary sample, another one, of a far more considerable size, has been procured by Mr. Meyher, from Stockbridge. This he is preparing for a place in Dr. Mitchell's cabinet of minerology. The dimensions of this stone are as follows: breadth one foot ten inches,
In Paris the reign of terrori represented as at its height, and he prisons full.
A Dutch vessel entered the river of Caen.-The inhabitants of Caen seeing a red, blue, and white flag, believed it was the French national flag; and
news spread immediately through t'e town, that the emperor was returning. The whole of the national guards flew to their arms, and every man hastened to the port to receive him. When the error was discovered, the royal authorities resumed their superiority. This is said to be the motive for arresting the Prefect of Des Calvadoes, and the orders for breaking up and afterwards reorgani zing the national guard.
NO. 6. VOL, I.]
WASHINGTON, SATURDAY, APRIL 6, 1816..
PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY JOEL K. MEAD, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.
racter. One foreigner, for instance, remarks thus, that "when congress are out of session, the American government is no where to be found. The President, and all his secretaries, retire to their respective farms, and at the seat of government, nothing but the clerks, and understrappers of of
A foreigner, unacquainted with the freedom of no appeal. These are the distinctive characteristics our political institutions, arriving in this country, of American rights, for which their ancestors have is prone to imagine that we have no government moistened the battle field with their blood, and whatever. He reads over our public journals, which their posterity enjoy unimpaired to the prewhere he beholds such an unbounded lisence of sent hour. We must not wonder therefore, that animadversion, that, he contemplates an immedi-when foreigners visit us, they are surprised and ate rising of the people in rebellion against the astonished at the extent of our privileges. While government. It is perfectly inexplicable to him they stigmatize and upbraid us as a rebellious nathat so much opposition should be conducted on tion, incapable of any government short of the paper, without recourse to arms. On his return sword, they pay, in part, the highest, altho' an into his native country, he publishes to the world voluntary compliment to the freedom of our civilis rude conceptions, prognostications, in- and political institutions. They manifest to the aurreéticas, divisions, bloodshed and all the hor-world their utter ignorance of the American charors of civil war; still these evil prophets find that ment goes on quietly, and that these insurrrou nd rebellions, are only to be found in our newspa They cannot conceive that a law bebe resisted, and obeyed, in a constituloy at one and the same instant of time. We Amemcans may proudly tell to these foreign-fice ers, that both of these parties, and apparently irreconceiveable rights, are expressly guaranteed by the constitution of our country. While we obey we have a right to scrutinize the justice, policy, or prosperity of a public law; to expose its defects, to discant on public characters, to arraign their motives, and in short, in all such discussions to recognize no other boundaries than those of truth and honor. The partizans of our administration are thus compelled to enter the list with their opponents, where they fight on equal ground, and precisely with the same weapons with which they are assaulted. As the elec. tionering struggle approaches, their asperities in crease, and afterwards die away. Now to an American who has been from his infancy in the full njoyment of rights so inestimable, they appear as things of course, and he is almost insensible of the benefits in his possession. He has never breathed the air of slavery, he has never been taught any other lesson than that he is a freeman, that within the constitutional limits, the President himself, is not more secure than he is; that this charter, while it ensures obedience on the one hand, leaves an expression of opinion equally free on the other. Both of these contending parties are finally brought to the bar of public opinion, and the electionering verdict, decides the merits of this controversy between the contending parties.
are remaining." All this is true; but what is the inference! Why forsooth, that the Americans have no government! And yet this foreigner will discover all the machinery of an organized government going on; no tumult beyond the newspapers; no riot, no disturbance; the foreigner beholds agriculture still flourishing; the whitening of commerce expanding to every breaze-he hears the clang of industry resounding from the anvilhe beholds the turbulent bustle of business-our streets swarming with enterprize; he hears the incessant roar of our carriages and drays upon the pavements. Our stores crouded with merchandize-he beholds an adventurous population disturbing the haunts of the savage in his gloomy wilderness, and founding temples dedicated to the service of the Deity upon their cabins-he beholds our alpine strides to national grandure; and after all these heart cheering evidences of prosperity, denies that our country has any government, because our chief magistrate, has neither a palace, a crown, or a sceptre. We can tell such foreigners, that it is this which constitutes the peculiar glory of Americans. We can tell them that there are thousands and thousands, of private characters in the United States, every way qualified to perform the duties of the President, who would not surrender their domestic quiet and independence, for twice the salary of our chief magistrate. The first magistrate in this country, is in no way, but This is a sentence of the highest tribunal recog-citizen; he rises into public honor, and then relapthat of a public servant, different from a private nized by the laws, and the constitution of our country; and it is a sentence from which there is VOL. I. F..
ses into the general mass of the community,, and
[WHOLE NO. 6.
pressive. It wants variety, ease, and moderation. His voice is soft and strong, but not musical in its tones or cadence: its changes are occasionally abrupt, which produces the effect of harshness.
His ambition is intense and ever-burning. During his diplomatic mission abroad, he was far from relaxing the severity of his forensic exercises. Like Achilles, tho' withdrawn from the field, his rm was not unnerved in indolent repose. He obtained in his recess a Vulcanian armour, and renewed the battle with a freshness of strength, a vigor of exertion, more propitious to victory than unremitted contention might have proved. He saw in England the first models of parliamentary and of forensic oratory, which the last fruitful age pam-produced: he was long enough there, not only to discipline his manner, but to enrich his diction, by intermixing the more varied and splendid phrase of its literary circles. It was with all these advanwe look on the first exertion of talents which have tages, increased by the expectation with which already adorned their profession, that Mr. Pinkney resumed his place in 1812. He has surpassed every conjecture that had been formed of his improvement. He has great address in the management of his cause in all the stages of its preparation for argument: he is studious to engage his adversary exactly on that ground, which he thinks most advantageous to his client; he opens the case to the court in a luminous and rapid narrative, shews the important points of it in the strongest light; and fortifies his positions with reason, rather than with authority. He delights to recur to those great fundamental principles of human intercourse, which have so often tasked the powers of the deepest research, the most varied learning, and the most splendid imagination. Hence some of the most glittering shafts of his quiver, are drawn from the rich and magnificent armoury of Hooker and Chillingworth, weapons of celestial temper! Then his energy is wielded so directly against his
MR. PINKNEY, of Baltimore, has occupied a large space in the public eye, as an advocate, since his return from Europe. In admitting popular fame as an evidence of merit in a public , speaker, there are sometimes extraneous circumstances which should be taken into consideration. Of these several have combined to make Mr. Pink-ney's name more familiar to the Amerian people, than his mere forensic abilities, great as they certainly are, would have done. His residence in England during several years of important intercourse with its government, in a high station of national confidence; his appointment to the office of attorney general on his return, and his continuance as a successful practitioner at the federal court since his resignation, have all offered advan-antagonist, that he imparts the animation of contest to every thing he says. This is a main ingretages for the extension of his professional popularity, subordinate only to the claims derived from dient of the interest with which we listen to Mr. his consummate abilities. Many persons, without Pinkney. It is not a tranquil discussion, but an considering how much of Mr. Pinkney's fame is intellectual battle. His client and his claims are fairly to be ascribed to these adventitious circum-frequently forgotten, in the interest with which we behold his patron extricate himself from a stances, have allowed him to occupy the first station at the A American bar. Divesting him of these breach made in his fortifications, or the rage with which he pursues the flying adversary of a deborrowed attractions, of which he stands in no He then pours with incontroulneed, let us examine the justice of his pretensions fenceless cause. able fury the ardentia verba in precipitate torto this captivating superiority. rents: which united to his vehement, I had almost His person is muscular and vigorous. His face broad, large, and red, with an expression of strong, said angry manner, make his eloquence characgood sense, rather than of vivacity or genius. terised by the most irresistable impetuosity; it is a conflagration ravaging the earth. There is a daz His whole appearance is that of one who has been accustomed to bodily labour, more than to intel-ling brightness in all his conceptions, and almost lectual exertion. He is a young looking man for painful glare, which requires relief in softer shading, milder imagery, and less burning words. his age, and even its marks seem the traces of laThis splendor of diction, and magnificence of mebour, more than of time. taphor, which is diluted in Burk's eloquence by so many gentler touches, is never over-powering, because we are prepared for the blaze of his meridian brightness, by the gradual succession of Aurora to Lucifer, and of the sun to Aurora; but the impatient ardour of Mr. Pinkney's genius is nevers atisfied, until, like "the prince of the lights of heaven," it burns in its noon-tide path, and quenches the ray of every other star. A little more moderation in his manner, and a more marked gradation in the progress of his aspiring mind, would give richness and variety to all his exhibi
does the duty of a private citizen again. This is what we Americans, understand by the term equal rights. This is what we have been taught to believe is a government on the one hand, and perfectly reconcilable to freedom of opinion on the
The following portrate of the oratorical character of the Hon. William Pinkney, late attorney general for the United States, we extract from "sketches of American orators," No. 1. a small phlet written by a gentleman in this city, and lately published in Baltimore, by Fielding Lucas, Jr. who informs us the author will continue a series of nuinbers, to 6 or 8, on miscellaneous subjects, if the public decide in their favor. The 2d number is in press. From the limited opportunity we have had to judge, we believe he has drawn Mr. Pinkney to life.
His manner of speaking, I have been told, is very much that of Westminster hall. It is certainly new among us, and appears to be affected. His body is sometimes thrown forcibly forward, and then drawn violently back his fists often clenched, and his arms, which are never much raised, bent before him in the attitude of a boxer. Sometimes he appears to bear the argument on his shoulder, and, like Sisyphus, to heave it with labour up a high hill; the simile however goes no further, it seldom recoils upon him. His whole action is too constrained to be graceful, but it is often very im