would again appeal to the House, whether it was not fit it should be repressed-whether all should not unite their endeavours to put it down? It would be lamentable indeed, if, upon the present occasion, any party feelings existing in the House could be made instrumental towards their purpose by those whose object was to overturn the constitution. He trusted, that upon the present occasion no consideration of that kind would be allowed to operate, and that they would all concur towards the removal of a danger that threatened the happiness, the life, and the property of

inadequate to describe in fit terms the blessings they enjoyed from that constitution, so long the boast of all who lived under it, and the admiration of the wisest and best of men. The most able eulogist, the most eloquent man that ever opened his lips within the walls of that House, could not touch upon such a subject without feeling his inability to do it justice. To support this constitution was their first and most important duty. If it was allowed on all hands that attempts were making to overthrow it, that designs for that purpose had been long in active progress, and so far from ceasing were gain-all. In quiet times he approved of a reing strength; if the proofs of this were so manifest as to require no confirmation, it was their first duty to stand forward for its preservation, to cling with one accord to that bulwark of their rights, to protect, preserve, and hand down to posterity the blessings it afforded. If danger did in reality exist, the question now was, from what quarter did it come; and if once ascertained, it was natural and constitutional to ask the House, whether they should suffer the cause any longer to exist? If he thought it proceeded from the Crown, he should in that event be as willing to come forward in the performance of a public duty as he was at present. It could not, however, be traced to such a source. Ministers acted in the usual way, upon those recognised constitutional principles from which no danger could be apprehended. Feeling convinced, therefore, that the cause of apprehension could not be traced to the Crown, they must look for the source of it elsewhere. When they considered what had been lately done in various parts of the country, the meetings that had taken place, the manner in which those meetings were held, the sentiments expressed by the leading speakers, their flags, and their whole system of proceeding, was it not clear that dangerous attempts were in preparation, and was it not equally clear from whence those attempts were to be apprehended? The danger could not be referred to the conduct of ministers.labour. They adhered to established customs, and adhered to them perhaps too strictly, under existing circumstances, under the systematic endeavours now making to overturn all law and social order, every blessing, civil as well as religious. Every man who considered events with attention, must feel that the danger did not proceed from the Crown, and if it did exist he

gular opposition; but when imminent peril threatened the country, it was not a fit occasion for that sort of political hostility which, under other circumstances, had its advantages. If, then, the danger existed, and could not be traced to the Crown, from whence did it proceed? From whence, but from the sources alluded to in the speech from the throne? From men who strove to instil into the minds of the people a tendency to sedition-from persons bankrupt alike in property, in knowledge, in character, and principle,-from a set of demagogues more infamous if possible, than the detestable object to which they aspired. Had they not seen them use every means within their reach to create sedition and disaffection, to undermine all principles of loyalty and morality, to destroy and confound all the common feelings of humanity? It was notorious that they endeavoured, and were unfortunately too successful, to induce the poor to look forward to the possessions of the rich. It was impossible, even upon a superficial view, not to see what their object was. Not only had they done all this-they even strove to aggravate the distress, that they might thereby increase the troubles of the country. It was notorious, that during the late harvest the surplus population of the manufacturing districts did not proceed as usual from one county to another in which there was a demand for

They remained at home, and thereby increased the distress. This was to be attributed to no other cause, but the meetings, the speeches, and the publications of which they had lately heard so much. The leaders at those meetings, and the persons who composed them talked of reform; but what did the word reform mean with them? Was it employed in the usual sense of a calm, temperate,

their study, was, at least they pretended to adhere strictly to law in the manner of calling and holding their meetings; but who was so blind as not to see that this was mere pretence, that they acted in this manner for no other purpose than the better to accomplish their nefarious views?

and moderate change of measures? in the sense applied to it in other times and by other men? No such thing. With them reform meant, if it meant any thing, such an alteration as it would be impossible to adopt without ruin to the constitution. As they used it, it did not apply to any mode of reform ever before suggested. There was one subject much talked of, It took in universal suffrage and vote by upon which he should decline giving any ballot. It was in fact a cant term, and opinion at present. It was natural, howmeant nothing less than Revolution. All ever, to expect, that upon an occasion these alarming proceedings, however, it like the present, he should allude to it. was said, arose only from the natural He had not sufficient information to give workings of a free constitution, and that a decided opinion; but he wished it to be no real danger existed. He wished it understood, that, judging from the inmight be the case; but when he considered telligence he had hitherto any opportuthe information received from various nity of receiving, he saw no reason parts of the country, the efforts made to why the examination of the matter should bring large bodies of men together from be taken out of the usual course. He distant parts, the doctrines preached up was not disposed to enter into discussions to them, their military organisation, their on subjects of law, nor was he acquainted flags and all the other attendant circum- with them; but there was one principle stances, he could not consider their plans which he thought a most just and proper innocent. It should be recollected that one, namely, that every Englishman in 1816, those who were anxious to pro- should be presumed innocent until he duce revolution expressed their determi- had been declared guilty by a jury of his nation to carry on the system by occa- countrymen. If this principle was in any sional meetings for the purpose, as they one instance carried further than in anostated, of giving confidence to their ad- ther, it was with respect to the persons herents by a display of their strength. who composed the Manchester meeting. This was the plan proposed for effecting Their innocence was the theme of much their object. Had they not, accordingly, declamation, and of many publications. from that period forward witnessed their They had the full benefit of the principle. meetings, from time to time, at various There was, however, another maxim not places, and that they became more nu-less just, namely, that no man should be merous every day? It was notorious that put upon his trial until he was before a they pursued a plan of military organisa-jury. With respect to the magistrates and tion. To what else could be attributed their regularly marching from place to place, with banners and flags inscribed with mottos of a most treasonable nature? With respect to these and various other points, he did not pretend to have his information from more than the common sources of intelligence, but it was evident that such proceedings could arise from nothing less than designs of a dangerous tendency. What must be the feelings of peaceable inhabitants under such circumstances? In the towns where they took place it was impossible that the people could feel their houses, their lives, or their property secure. He would put it to the House, whether, if such things were to be continued, the law, as it stood, could be sufficient for protection? How could it be sufficient, when an attempt to comply with the letter of the law, as it stood, had a directly contrary effect? As to the principal actors in those troubles,

yeomanry in the affair alluded to, he must say that this maxim was not very anxiously observed. They were, on the contrary, before their case came to be heard by any jury, unhesitatingly pronounced guilty. They were treated in a manner which to him appeared most unfair. When it appeared that a grand jury, upon their oath, and upon evidence received upon oath, did not find bills of indictment against them, this might not be thought sufficient, but when he reflected on all the circumstances, he must say, that there did not seem to him sufficient ground for taking this matter out of the usual course. It would not be fair and just, while a subject was before a court of law, to bring it before another tribunal. He was aware of the delicacy of this question, but still he felt it his duty to make some allusion to it. He did not mean to imply blame, but he lamented the attempts made in certain quarters to inflame the passions

"To assure his Royal Highness that we learn with the deepest regret that the seditious practices so long prevalent in some of the manufacturing districts of the country have been continued with increased activity since we were last assembled in parliament; that they have led to proceedings incompatible with the peaceful habits of the industrious classes of the community: and that a spirit is now fully manifested utterly hostile to the constitution of this kingdom, and aiming not only

"To return our thanks to his Royal Highness for his gracious intention to lay before parliament the necessary information on this subject; and to assure his Royal Highness, that we shall not fail to apply our immediate and most anxious attention to the consideration of such mea

counteraction and suppression of a system which, if not effectually checked, must bring confusion and ruin on the nation;

of the people with respect to this unfortunate transaction. These attempts were repeated by those who had the means within reach, by publication, of giving them additional force. He was desirous that the distinction between those who opposed the government, and those who opposed the existing order of things, might be strictly defined and made known. He knew the distinction was as broad as possible; but still it was important that it should be broadly expressed; nor should it be omitted, under existing circum-at the change of those political institustances, from a wish which naturally tions which have hitherto constituted the enough might prevail of leaning to one pride and security of this country, but at side for the purpose of gaining strength the subversion of the rights of property, to a party. There was another part of and of all order in society: the speech which he felt it necessary to touch upon; the increase of the military force of the country. Now that they were at peace with foreign powers, and that there was every prospect of better times, it was greatly to be lamented that a necessity should have arisen for making any addition to the army, for the pro-sures as may be found requisite for the tection of the peaceable and well-disposed. If, however, they required such protection, it was the duty of government to afford it. What would be their feelings, if family, life, property, and all they held dear, were to be left in times of danger without necessary protection? Strong measures, at least for a short time, were now perhaps as necessary as at any former period; all should unite to preserve the existing order of things. This determination once made manifest, and these measures once adopted, would show the country that they were determined not to allow the mischievous plans now contemplated to proceed any further. If the exertions of the country were thus once roused, it would soon put an end to the views of the men who sought the overthrow of the constitution. He hoped the sentiments and information conveyed in the speech from the throne would have their effect, and that every thing would be done to check the diabolical system now in progress. Having said thus much, he should not trouble the House further, but should conclude by moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Re-rary nature: gent, to return the thanks of this House to his Royal Highness for his most gracious speech from the throne:

"To express to his Royal Highness the great concern with which we receive the intimation of the continuance of his majesty's lamented indisposition.

"To thank his Royal Highness for having directed the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before us:

"To assure his Royal Highness that while we regret the necessity of providing for the protection of the lives and property of his majesty's loyal subjects by any addition to our military force, we shall be happy to find that the arrangements for this purpose have been made in the manner likely to be least burthensome to the country:

To express our satisfaction at being informed, that though the revenue has undergone some fluctuations, it appears to be again in a course of progressive improvement:

"That we deeply lament with his Royal Highness the distress experienced by many of our fellow subjects in consequence of the depression which still continues to exist in some branches of our manufactures, and earnestly join in the hope expressed by his Royal Highness that it may be found to arise from causes of a tempo

That we hear with much satisfaction the friendly disposition of foreign powers towards this country, and gratefully acknowledge his Royal Highness's anxious wish to take advantage of this season of peace to secure and advance our in

as to impress upon the peaceable and well-disposed part of the community a well-founded apprehension as to their ulterior designs. His royal highness the Prince Regent, certainly not needlessly alarmed, but with a well-founded confi

ternal prosperity, fully sensible however that the successful prosecution of this important object must essentially depend on the preservation of domestic tranquillity:

"To assure his Royal Highness that he may rely with the most perfect confidence in the wisdom and the counsels of dence on the loyalty of the great body of the people; but that we are at the same time fully convinced, that it will require our utmost vigilance and exertion, collectively and individually, to check the dissemination of the doctrines of treason and impiety, and to impress upon the minds of all classes of his majesty's subjects, that it is from the cultivation of the principles of religion, and from a just subordination to lawful authority, that we can alone expect the continuaance of that Divine favour and protection which has hitherto been so signally experienced by this kingdom."

his parliament, has called us together at a period much earlier than of late years it has been customary, that he might be informed as to the extent of the danger, and be advised in the remedy for it. I am sure that the House will fully participate in what has fallen from my hon. friend, as to the beneficial effects this country has derived from the character and example of our excellent and venerable sovereign, and I am sure, there is not an individual in this House or in the country, who does not at the mere mention of his beloved and revered name, recur with pleasure to the many virtues that adorned his character, and to the eminent services that he rendered to his country. But, Sir, whilst we all deeply deplore the severe calamity which it has pleased Providence to visit him with, we may perhaps be allowed to

Mr. Edward Cust said:-In rising, Sir, to second the motion of my hon. friend, I feel that I have to appeal to the more than ordinary indulgence of the House, inasmuch as I now, for the very first time in my life venture to address any public as-rejoice that, it is not permitted him to sembly, much less one like the present, in which my inferiority is so evidently apparent; nor, can I hold out as an excuse for my presumption in presenting myself to their notice any hopes of recompensing them for their time and their patience by force of language or extent of information which those of my predecessors on this duty may have afforded, who have had leisure and opportunity of devoting their early years to those studies which are more essentially useful to a member of parliament; mine has been passed in a profession which did not afford me such advantages, and in the prosecution of duties not at all analogous to those which I have now taken upon myself to perform. I think, Sir, there never was a time in which it would be more fortunate that unanimity in this House should prevail, than the present. The eyes of the country, and almost of the world, are turned upon us to learn our sentiments at this momentous period, when a party, humble, it is true, in the origin and the importance of its votaries, but not at all mean, if we may judge of their proceedings, in the abilities of their leaders, whoever they are, have, by a series of the almost unwarrantable exertions of their rights, created so great a ferment in the country, and assumed a position, so formidable,

know, that his people, whom his firmness and perseverance saved in the hour of the greatest danger, when the principles which were then first broached by the French revolution were new, and the pernicious effects of them unknown, are, now that they are become matter of history and example, preparing to transfer to the page of our history the follies, as well as the eccentric crimes (as they have been called) of that great school of iniquity. I think it will scarcely be denied that a very bad and dangerous spirit exists in the country-a spirit which takes delight in browbeating our judges in their judgment seats, and in abusing all indiscriminately who are placed high by birth or situation in the country. It is no longer the echo only of that abuse which has been so lavishly levelled against every measure of every minister of the Crown for the last century, and which is likely soon to become the only perquisite of office. It now aspires to attack the Crown itself, and all who are placed in authority under it. To be a member of the aristocracy is declared to be a member of corruption, and even those of the democracy are alone pure who wear white hats, or have lungs strong enough to address a Smithfield meeting. That reform is the declared and only alleged cause of the discontents that have,