sure. Mr. Maxwell bore testimony to the people of his county assembling in arms, and firing off pistols on retiring from the spot. He considered it under all circumstances, his duty not to oppose the measure of the noble lord. He saw no objection to its extending to the manufacturing districts for five years, and to the whole empire for one year. Lord Compton thought that circumstances would necessitate a much stronger measure if the present were not carried. Mr. Benett, of Wiltshire, hoped that three years would be sufficient for the operation of the measure, as before that period, something might be done to better the condition of the people. He trusted that a select committee would be appointed to consider the distress of the country, and propose some relief. would be a more eligible term than either. I be unnecessary to resort to such a meaHe thought six weeks after the commencement of the next session of parliament too short a period, because the House would have to decide upon the renewal of the measure, before sufficient time had elapsed to enable them to form a correct judgment of its effects; and to excite fresh agitation in the public mind, before the present agitation had well subsided. He thought five years, and from thence to the end of the next ensuing ses sion of parliament, too long, because he recollected that the allied sovereigns, after stipulating by treaty that their armies should continue in the occupation of France for five years, considering that period would be necessary for the restoration of tranquillity in that country, voluntarily evacuated it at the end of three years. If then, France, at the conclusion of a war in which the passions of men had been excited to a degree of fury that perhaps never was equalled, could completely recover her tranquillity in the course of three years, surely this country, under present circumstances, could not require a longer term of probation. Being called upon to decide between two extremes, he considered, in the first place, that to renew an expiring law, was easy, usual, and almost a matter of course; but to repeal an existing law, was on the contrary always attended with great difficulty. In the next place he considered, that if he must err at all, it was his duty to err on that side that was most favourable to the rights and liberties of the people; and for these reasons he should give his vote for the shorter, rather than for the longer period. It Mr. Wynn did not consider the measure before the House an infringement upon the rights of the people. He denied that it confined that right; on the contrary, it left it undiminished. It was not illegal, according to the provisions of the act, to hold meetings within doors; and before the American war it never was the practice to hold meetings in the open air. had been said that it was left to the discretion of officers of the Crown to call public meetings; but he did not know that the sheriffs of counties were generally speaking, liable to the influence of the Crown. He knew there was a spirit of loyalty throughout the kingdom that would be sufficient to put down, even by force of arms, the disloyal and disaffected; but he had great confidence that it would Lord Cranley said, he should vote for the amendment of the chancellor of the exchequer, though he was of opinion that it would have been more beneficial to the country, that the bill should have been made permanent [Loud cries from the opposition of " Move that it be made permanent."] The gallery was then cleared for a division. Colonel Beaumont's motion was negatived without a division. The House afterwards divided on the motion of Mr. Buxton to limit the bill to three years. For it, 153; Against it, 328: Majority, 175. The Chancellor of the exchequer's amendment was then carried in the affirma. tive; after which the House resolved itself into a committee, resumed, and the chairman obtained leave to sit again to-day. List of the Minority. Mostyn, sir Thos. Parnell, sir H. Hamilton, lord A. Harvey, D. W. Hill, lord A. Hornby, Ed. Howard, hon. W. Howorth, H. Hughes, W. L. Hume, J. Hurst, Robt. Hutchinson, hon. C. Kennedy, T. F. Kinnaird, hon. D. Lloyd, S. Jones Sinith, John Longman, Geo. Smith, hon. R. Lister, B. L. Smith, W. Lamb, hon. W. Lamb, hon. G. Lambton, John G. Latouche, John Latouche, R. Lloyd, sir E. Lloyd, J. M. Spencer, lord R. Stanley, lord HOUSE OF LORDS. Tuesday, December 7. mouth moved the third reading of this bill. The Earl of Darnley did not rise to offer any opposition to the principle of the bill in this stage. He was disposed to allow that a temporary necessity for such a law might exist, though at the same ime he thought that necessity had been, in a great measure, occasioned by the improper manner in which the existing laws had been administered but though he might admit the necessity of some enactment of this kind, it did not follow that he should approve of all the powers proposed to be given to the magistrates. What he chiefly objected to, was the power given to search houses by night. Besides, he did not see any advantage that could be derived from retaining that clause, as, after what had passed, it was not to be supposed that persons having arms in their possession, for an improper purpose, would keep them in their houses. On the contrary, it was to be presumed, that they would conceal them somewhere else. The noble lord then alluded to two local acts formerly passed, authorizing the seizing of arms, and particularly to one in the reign of William 3rd, which required the warrant of two justices to authorize the seizing of arms in the daytime. This example, he thought, ought to have been followed in the present bill; and he felt it his duty to protest against the power of entering and searching houses in the night-time. Lord Sidmouth observed, that if the measure were really more severe than the circumstances of the country required, he would willingly consent to any proposition for softening it; but such was far from being the case. He did not set much importance on a precedent either of a remote or recent date, as the necessity of the present measure must be judged from the cir cumstances which gave rise to it. He could not agree to any alteration in the clause. The bill was then read a third time, and passed. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, December 7. STATE OF THE COUNTRY-PETITION OF THE CORPORATION OF LONDON.] The sheriffs of London presented a petition from the lord mayor, alderman, and commons, of the city of London, in com SEIZURE OF ARMS BILL.] Lord Sid- mon council assembled; setting forth, "That the petitioners have learnt with apprehension and regret that measures subversive of our free constitution have been submitted to parliament by the ministers of the crown, on the pretext of conspiracy for the destruction of all religion, government, and property within the realm; for the defeat of so monstrous a design, did the petitioners believe in its reality, they would be most anxious to employ all the means that they possess; but while such an alarm rests merely upon unauthenticated or anonymous statements which have been submitted to no investigation (however countenanced by the turbulent conduct and inflammatory writings of some misguided or evil-minded men), the petitioners cannot perceive the necessity of any abridgment of our liberties; deeply lamenting the prevalence of discontent, the petitioners humbly recommend to the House, as its only proper cure, a sincere and earnest endeavour to remove all just ground of complaint, and, sensible of the inconveniences arising from frequent large assemblages, and from the want of respect and affection between the magistracy and the people, they respectfully submit that a constitutional remedy might be found in the establishment of a due representation and liberal municipal constitutions, agreeable to the ancient usage and analogy of our government, for those places in which population has extensively accumulated, but which do not yet enjoy them; that the petitioners fully participate in the disgust excited by some late publications hostile to the christian religion and the public peace, yet, as they immediately became the objects of general detestation, and could have been at once submitted to the judgment of the laws, and as they bear an infinitely small proportion to those productions which are favourable to knowledge, virtue, and religion, they seem to the petitioners to afford no reason for subjecting the press to enactments calculated to harass all who are connected with it, to destroy its freedom, and to prohibit some of its most useful labours; that the petitioners trust therefore, that at a time when they anxiously expected an investigation into transactions which have recently called forth an expression of general disapprobation, and hoped for such a redress of grievances and reform of abuses as might allay the irritated feelings of the people, the House will not hastily, and without inquiry, during the prevalence of an unfounded or exaggerated alarm, pass laws on account of a partial and temporary evil, tending permanently and universally to affect the liberty of the subject, and to produce increased irritation, while they are inefficient as to the purposes for which they are designed; the petitioners therefore humbly pray, and earnestly entreat, that should however some measures be thought necessary for the preservation of the public peace, that the House will adopt such only as shall be limited in their extent and duration, and that the next care of the House may be (rejecting the desperate counsels of those who would refuse all concession) to apply itself to the effectual correction of those abuses and defects which have given rise to the prevailing discontent." The petition was read, after which, Mr. Alderman Wood observed that, in moving that it be laid on the table, he should say a very few words. He could not, however, consent to give a silent vote upon these bills: he had attended with the utmost diligence to the protracted debate upon them, and had not heard a single argument to convince him that an inquiry ought not to be granted before they were passed. After commenting on the statement made by lord Castlereagh, of the immense number of stones found on the place of meeting at Manchester, the day after the meeting had occurred, and after treating as absurd the supposition of the noble lord, that the reformers had marched thirty or forty miles with these stones in their pockets, he proceeded to argue, that great advantage had been derived to the supporters of ministers from the candid manner in which another noble lord (Stanley), had expressed his sentiments on the fatal events of the 16th of August. Both in the House and out of the House it had been supposed that that noble lord had spoken of the facts to which he alluded, from his own personal knowledge, whereas he had fairly acknowledged that he only spoke upon information derived from others. himself (ald. Wood) had heard nothing but opinions upon this subject: he had heard no facts; and facts were the most important points in this discussion. There were, however, some points on which they were all agreed; and one of these was, the existence of great distress in the nation. Hence arose our existing discontents; and what, he would ask, were the means which had been taken to He allay them, or to remove the cause from which they originated? A committee had, indeed, been appointed, to take into consideration the state of the poor laws. What had been the result of their labours? Why, they had done nothing more than bring forth some new regulations regarding the law of settlements. What might they not have done, and yet what had they really done, with regard to Ireland? It was in evidence before the House, that in that country, there were above six millions of acres uncultivated. Had one of them been put into cultivation? No. And yet the House had voted during the last session 50,000l. for the use of those who were willing to emigrate to the Cape of Good Hope. The streets of the various towns in this country were filled with numbers of the lower Irish, who deprived our own population of employment to a certain degree. Surely, it would be as well to send some of them back to their own country, and employ them upon the millions of acres which it contained in an uncultivated state, and yet of a nature fitted for cultivation. This would be a means of relieving part of the existing distress. Other gentlemen would be able to devise other methods; and therefore he implored the House to institute, as soon as possible, a committee of inquiry regarding the most effective way of relieving the miseries of the unfortunate poor. During the course of the debate, none of the speakers, except some of those on his side of the House (indeed from the other side it would be quite idle to expect it), had entered into the cause of their distress; he therefore had great delight in seeing several hon. gentlemen with whom he generally acted, and among them the member for Durham, determined to force upon the House, and not to blink the question of parliamentary reform. Reform was now an object dear to the people reform they would have; and all the House could do, either by restrictions on public meetings, or restrictions on the press, would be useless. The people would meet, and do as he himself had seen done in manufactories in France and Italy: one person would read to twenty, and the whole twenty, though they might read less than they did before, would certainly hear more read to them. The effect, too, of what was read would be stronger, from the different comments which would be made upon it. Those comments would lead the parties to attach themselves together more closely in private societies; and those societies would eventually prove much more dangerous than the late tumultuary meetings. Mr. Alderman Thorp expressed his satisfaction that ministers had at last determined to render these measures temporary. In saying this, he did not mean to admit that a case had been made out for even a temporary enactment of them. He thought that an exaggerated degree of alarm had been excited, by the large meetings which had been recently so common throughout the country, as many persons attended them from distress, and not from seditious motives. It was his opinion, that the House would have done more to conciliate the people by granting an inquiry, than it could ever do by resorting to measures of severity and coercion. He hoped the bills would receive further modifications when they were in the committee. Mr. Alderman Waithman expressed his decided approbation of every sentiment contained in the petition, and his firm conviction, that, if the evil were so great as had been represented, it would increase, and not diminish, under the present restrictions. Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. MAGISTRACY OF NORFOLK.] Wodehouse rose for the purpose of making a communication to the House on a subject connected with lord Suffield, the lord-lieutenant of the county of Norfolk. He should abstain from making any comment upon the documents which he was going to read, and should commence, as a matter of public duty, by reading a letter which he had yesterday received from lord Suffield. The hon. member then read the following letter:-"Gunton, Dec. 4. Dear Wodehouse,-I am exceedingly obliged to you for your letter of yesterday, in reply to which I beg leave to say, that I am not conscious of having acted with any partiality respecting the insertion of gentlemen in the commission of the peace, of which I think the com. mission itself, with the additions made to it, affords pretty strong evidence. I recollect to have had some conversation with Mr. Coke at general Money's on the subject of the commission, but am not aware of a promise on my part to insert any gentleman Mr. Coke might name; nor, had I been so disposed, did Mr. Coke give me an opportunity, for I never had the honour of receiving an application from him to that effect; and a list of names | I cannot ascertain; but my secretary of sent by Mr. Coke to the clerk of the commissions having, at my instance, peace, even supposing such a list to have looked into the correspondence and been sent, could not be considered by me papers for ten years, as he informs me, in that point of view. In reference to Mr. finds nothing relative to the appointment Coke's assertion, that gentlemen have of justices in that county, in which combeen added to the commission by the munication has not been had with lord lord chancellor, in consequence of my Suffield. If any other person applied to refusal, I believe the statement to be ab- me, I therefore suppose I must have solutely erroneous, and that no such cir- communicated with lord S.; but the only cumstance has taken place since I have way, perhaps, in which accurate informahad the honour of being lieutenant of tion can be obtained, is by Lord S.'s inNorfolk. I think both yourself and colonel specting the commission, and seeing Wodehouse can vouch for my impartiality, whether any names have been therein inas I have certainly declined some applica- serted without communication with him, tions from both of you, when it did not and on the other hand, Mr. C. should appear to me there was a want of ma- state the particulars to which he alluded. gistrates, or for other reasons. I am, &c. It is possible, though I do not recollect Suffield." He received this communica- the fact, that I have been applied to, to tion yesterday, and had intended to have place gentlemen in this commission not laid it before the House last night, had recommended by Lord S. I think it very not certain circumstances prevented him. improbable that I should have placed In the interval, he had had an interview their names in the commission without ob. with the lord chancellor, who had informed serving the civility of communicating to him, that he had no recollection of the lord S. that such application had been circumstances to which his hon. colleague made to me, though, after such commuhad on a former night alluded. Since nication, I should of course have decided that period he had received the following upon the matter as it appeared to me to letter from his lordship:-"Dear sir be right, if there had been any difference The assistance with which the chancellor of opinion. That there has been any is favoured by the custodes rotulorum in such I do not recollect. It occurs to me selecting persons to be placed in the com- to mention, that there are two matters mission of the peace in different counties, which are exceptions to what is above of whose qualifications he cannot have stated. A gentleman who was recompersonal knowledge, has established a mended by the secretary of state was of habit of the chancellor's placing in the course inserted in the commission, and I commission gentlemen recommended by very lately mentioned the name of a them. But this is mere recommendation, clergyman to be inserted in the commishowever much to be respected; and if the sion, whose name I understood, would be chancellor doubts the propriety of placing found in the next recommendation of the any person so recommended in the com- custos rotulorum. Your's, dear sir, mission, he acts upon his own judgment. Eldon.-P. S. Being informed, since If the custos rotulorum declines to re- I wrote the above, that Mr. C. stated that commend any gentleman applying to him he had a personal interview with me upon to be so recommended, and that gentle- the subject, I cannot doubt the accuracy man applies to the chancellor, the chan- of that gentleman's statement, though the cellor judges for himself whether he will fact has escaped my recollection."-He place the name in the commission, not- had now performed what he conceived to withstanding the objection, generally, if be his duty, though he thought it right, not always, first communicating with the before he sat down, to corroborate that custos rotulorum upon the subject of the part of lord Suffield's letter, where alluobjection. I am not able to call back to sion was made to himself personally: he my recollection the circumstances which could speak with the utmost confidence of may have taken place respecting the the impartiality which lord Suffield had Norfolk matter, which has been inen always displayed in the exercise of his tioned. I have a faint recollection that official duties. some mention was some time ago made to me, by whom I cannot say, respecting the want of magistrates in some part of that county. What was done upon that Mr. Coke repeated, that in consequence of a declaration made to him at general Money's by lord Suffield, that he would insert in the commission of the peace the |