Thursday. Sir Charles-who says he desires to depend entirely on me-objected only to this new plan, inasmuch as it might take me away before all his instructions were submitted to him. But we have arranged with Cooke that, as soon as they are all drawn up and discussed, I am to have a Packet put under my orders and to go at once up the Elbe, should that prove feasible, or to land at Cuxhaven and act as circumstances may require. Sir Charles will follow as soon as he can, and on his arrival, we shall proceed on our journey; I having in the interval collected all the intelligence I can as to what is passing in Germany. Respecting this, we are now sadly behind-hand—nothing having reached us from headquarters since Lord Cathcart's despatch from Kalisch, or from Hamburg, beyond the news of its evacuation on the 18th ult.

I succeeded in getting them to adopt this plan, in a great measure, from the Admiralty refusing to give Sir Charles a frigate. They say "they have no frigates to place at his disposal, and that he must go in a small sloop." This would not suit us; and indeed, with the numerous appendages to this mission it would not be possible to pack the half of us in it. The letter from the Admiralty on this subject, signed Barrow, was one of the coolest and most cavalier things imaginable. However, we had a good hearty laugh over it, and I was commissioned to speak to this Barrow about our passage, and to make him feel that the dignity of the corps diplomatique was outrageously insulted by his letter. I

made him fully sensible of his crime and left him profoundly penitent.

This morning I saw Mr. Croker, but gained nothing by my visit, beyond civil expressions of regret that no frigate could be had, and a little goodhumoured amusement at this dilemma, which it is thought piques Sir Charles not a little. Croker, however, promised to order a packet for me, and as soon as it has landed me, I shall send it back to Cuxhaven for Sir Charles.

They have behaved pretty well towards me in pecuniary arrangements-10007. a year, net, and all my travelling and extra expenses to be charged in the extraordinary disbursements of the mission. Something down also, by way of outfit, the quantum not yet settled.

7th. I have been hard at work all day, reading, and making notes upon, Lord Castlereagh's instructions to us; and to my great satisfaction all my observations have been attended to.

Sir Charles's first instruction was as unsatisfactory as it well could be. It directed him, 'tis true, to present letters of credence to the King of Prussia, but that was all. For having done so, his functions as minister appeared to end there; and he became nothing more than an appendage to Lord Cathcart's embassy, and was to consider himself under the control and guidance of his lordship-being without any one original instruction of his own, as to the language to be held to Prussia, as to what we were to do for her, or she for us. In short, the

Russians were to manage and decide everything à leur gré, and "le vieux Général diplomate" was to have the honour of acceding submissively to their ipse dixit on the part of every other Power.

This appeared to me to be an excess of complaisance; considering that we consent to a further advance of two millions sterling, by way of subsidy, and to two thirds of five millions of Federative medium -"Moyen Fédératif" to be paid in two years, or six months after a general peace. It is proposed to raise it, by way of loan, the three Powers binding themselves jointly to guarantee it--and this, over and above the charge of their fleet, estimated at 500,000l., which we take wholly upon ourselves.

The share of subsidy to be allotted to Prussia is 660,000l., for which she is to cede to His Britannic Majesty, in his electoral capacity, Hildesheim, Minden, and Ravensberg, and to consent to bear such a share in the indemnity to be given to Denmark-should she join us as may be determined upon. The quota of Federative medium-in each case to be regulated in its application, which is to be purely military, by commissioners-for the use of Prussia, would be one third; that which she would be chargeable with, one sixth. This was the extent of the aid to be afforded her; and for this she was to bind herself to keep up an army of a hundred thousand menexclusive of garrisons-and not to make peace but by common consent. No additional allowance or advance was to be made, even for première mise en campagne.

I went carefully through these papers; and from the notes and observations I made on them, Sir Charles drew up a memorandum addressed to Lord Castlereagh; referring first, to the situation he would be placed in by the proposed arrangement-his hands tied, his mouth closed-and next, regarding the political part of it, as it concerned Prussia.

Respecting his own position, the change Sir Charles desired was instantly made, and he is now to act in concert with the noble viscount-conjointly with whom he is to sign the treaty. After that, he will probably be off to Bernadotte, for whom he takes a letter.

As to the cession of the small provinces above mentioned, it is still insisted on, and they affect to consider that no objection can be made to it. We had at first no better success on the subject of an advance; but upon a rejoinder, founded less on precedent than on the impossibility of Prussia performing her part of the arrangement without some such assistance, it is granted-should it appear to be necessary-to the extent of 100,000l.

I have advocated the cause of Prussia with much earnestness and zeal; I trust that the event may justify it. For us, the present effort is a great one, and with the expenses in arms, ammunition, transports, &c., the cost of it must exceed ten millions. But it is not gratuitous, if we should be able to confine France within her former limits.

A letter has been written to Metternich, in answer to the one which Wessenberg was the bearer of, the

substance of which is to express the satisfaction His Majesty would feel at resuming amicable relations with his Imperial Majesty; and while doing justice to the sentiments which have guided him, to state and demonstrate that this is not the moment to treat for peace with a chance of obtaining it. It disclaims also all wish to destroy France as a great Power, merely seeking to reduce her to her proper limits; which can only be done by a vigorous prosecution of the war, and restoring the three other great Powers of the Continent to their former strength; and it concludes by inviting Austria to join in so salutary a work.

I have seen, too, the answer to Rosencrantz, founded on the supposition, that, Denmark being fully aware of the nature of the relations now subsisting between Russia, Sweden, and ourselves, she would not have made this overture if she had not been prepared to approve and accede to them.

Coming out of Cooke's room I met Lord Walpole, who is just returned. He told me he left Berlin on the 30th. The King was about to return to Kalisch for a few days. He describes the people, as full of enthusiasm; as an army without leaders; all impatient to rush pêle mêle on their foes. In fact, in a very undesirable state of excitement which was not likely to lead to any good result; for all classes and all parties had apparently so lost their heads, in the excess of their joy at the prospect of being freed from the clutches of the French, that they required a little time to cool down, before they would be